KCI등재
明代 福建 新縣의 社會ㆍ文化的 變化 ― 縣城을 중심으로 ― = The Sociocultural Change of New District in Ming Fujian : Focus on the Walled District City
저자
원정식 (강원대학교)
발행기관
학술지명
권호사항
발행연도
2011
작성언어
Korean
주제어
등재정보
KCI등재
자료형태
학술저널
수록면
109-152(44쪽)
KCI 피인용횟수
2
DOI식별코드
제공처
소장기관
During the middle of Ming, the walled district cities of the new districts in Fujian, became nucleuses newly rising in the areas remote from the existing walled district cities. As a regional center, the status of each walled district city varied according to the land size it controled, and the number of towns in it, and its location and land size were marked on maps. On the maps, each district was marked by a symbol of wall like existing districts, and it was listed along with the name of its district school, which made it clear that it was not only a independent unit of tax collection but also a unit of social education producing students and praying for Confucius and saints.
In a walled district city, there were city walls, a district office, and a district school, and each of them was its geological, political, and cultural center, so it functioned as a symbol of civilization, a cultural center, an embodiment of national authority, and a shelter in times of troubles. They could be possible because, of all things, its wall marked its boundary and functioned as its defence measures. The seat of a district, when it had not been protected by walls, had lacked the measure for its defence, which had brought social unrests, decrease of population, and consequently no social education had been possible, thus it had been called 'vulgar district'. But once the walls were constructed, owing to construction of social overhead structures such as roads and bridges, establishments of social welfare systems, increase in the number of streets and markets, with growth in population and various people composing it, it became the center of economy and welfare, and all of these show the features of the walled district city.
The center in walled district city was the district office and school, and its leader was called district magistrates. As the emperor's representatives, district magistrates had powerful influence on politics and culture in the district, but their governing power was limited because of their regular transfers, and a system which banned the appointment of officials to their native areas, and short financial resources. So they utilized the local influentials such as the upright people or the gentry when doing construction or building works or in relieving the sufferers and the indigent, and they prompted their voluntary participation by granting them tax exemption charters or praising them by setting their name tablets in the district shrine of honor or listing their names in the chapters of biographies in the history of the district, and all of these facts show aspects of the relationships between them. In turn the local influentials had chances to participate in various works, consequently they were granted authority from the government powers. They raised their status in the new district while intensifying their lineal unity so that they could even defy the government authority. Thus, district magistrates tried to maintain stable governing by practicing bad-cop measures, the laws and authority, symbolized by the district offices, aiming to suppress strong-influentials and local-officials, as well as good-cop measures, the spread of confucian culture through education, symbolized by schools. There are lots of books which lay great importance on the district magistrates's personal abilities and emphasizing not only their humane-governing but also courteous-governing, and it shows the situation that district magistrates had faced.
The union between the government authority and local influentials brought out the emerging of a group of people called the gentry, and as the influentials in the community, they became the spearheads in the district in carrying out the national policies and spreading the confucian cultures. It was the gentry who diffused the confucian way of funeral, and 3 years attendance on the parent's tombs. Their role could be seen in the fact that the diffusion of confucian culture had been feeble in th...
During the middle of Ming, the walled district cities of the new districts in Fujian, became nucleuses newly rising in the areas remote from the existing walled district cities. As a regional center, the status of each walled district city varied according to the land size it controled, and the number of towns in it, and its location and land size were marked on maps. On the maps, each district was marked by a symbol of wall like existing districts, and it was listed along with the name of its district school, which made it clear that it was not only a independent unit of tax collection but also a unit of social education producing students and praying for Confucius and saints.
In a walled district city, there were city walls, a district office, and a district school, and each of them was its geological, political, and cultural center, so it functioned as a symbol of civilization, a cultural center, an embodiment of national authority, and a shelter in times of troubles. They could be possible because, of all things, its wall marked its boundary and functioned as its defence measures. The seat of a district, when it had not been protected by walls, had lacked the measure for its defence, which had brought social unrests, decrease of population, and consequently no social education had been possible, thus it had been called 'vulgar district'. But once the walls were constructed, owing to construction of social overhead structures such as roads and bridges, establishments of social welfare systems, increase in the number of streets and markets, with growth in population and various people composing it, it became the center of economy and welfare, and all of these show the features of the walled district city.
The center in walled district city was the district office and school, and its leader was called district magistrates. As the emperor's representatives, district magistrates had powerful influence on politics and culture in the district, but their governing power was limited because of their regular transfers, and a system which banned the appointment of officials to their native areas, and short financial resources. So they utilized the local influentials such as the upright people or the gentry when doing construction or building works or in relieving the sufferers and the indigent, and they prompted their voluntary participation by granting them tax exemption charters or praising them by setting their name tablets in the district shrine of honor or listing their names in the chapters of biographies in the history of the district, and all of these facts show aspects of the relationships between them. In turn the local influentials had chances to participate in various works, consequently they were granted authority from the government powers. They raised their status in the new district while intensifying their lineal unity so that they could even defy the government authority. Thus, district magistrates tried to maintain stable governing by practicing bad-cop measures, the laws and authority, symbolized by the district offices, aiming to suppress strong-influentials and local-officials, as well as good-cop measures, the spread of confucian culture through education, symbolized by schools. There are lots of books which lay great importance on the district magistrates's personal abilities and emphasizing not only their humane-governing but also courteous-governing, and it shows the situation that district magistrates had faced.
The union between the government authority and local influentials brought out the emerging of a group of people called the gentry, and as the influentials in the community, they became the spearheads in the district in carrying out the national policies and spreading the confucian cultures. It was the gentry who diffused the confucian way of funeral, and 3 years attendance on the parent's tombs. Their role could be seen in the fact that the diffusion of confucian culture had been feeble in the a...
분석정보
연월일 | 이력구분 | 이력상세 | 등재구분 |
---|---|---|---|
2027 | 평가예정 | 재인증평가 신청대상 (재인증) | |
2021-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 유지 (재인증) | KCI등재 |
2018-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) | KCI등재 |
2015-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) | KCI등재 |
2011-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) | KCI등재 |
2009-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) | KCI등재 |
2007-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) | KCI등재 |
2004-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 선정 (등재후보2차) | KCI등재 |
2003-01-01 | 평가 | 등재후보 1차 PASS (등재후보1차) | KCI후보 |
2001-07-01 | 평가 | 등재후보학술지 선정 (신규평가) | KCI후보 |
기준연도 | WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) | KCIF(2년) | KCIF(3년) |
---|---|---|---|
2016 | 1.76 | 1.76 | 1.35 |
KCIF(4년) | KCIF(5년) | 중심성지수(3년) | 즉시성지수 |
1.17 | 0.99 | 1.779 | 0.14 |
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