孫文의 民主主義 理論에 關한 小考 = ON SUN YAT-SEN'S(孫逸仙)THEORY OF DEMOCRACY
저자
安致淳 (淑明女子大學校 政經大)
발행기관
학술지명
권호사항
발행연도
1973
작성언어
Korean
KDC
104.000
자료형태
학술저널
수록면
179-196(18쪽)
제공처
소장기관
The primary purpose of this paper is to expose the ideological backgrounds of Sun Yat-sen's(孫逸仙) theory of democracy, and to discuss the distinctive characteristics of his theory mainly on the basis of his lectures on San Min Chu I (三民主義)
(1) Brought up in the Confucian tradition, Sun Yat-sen always took pride in China's intellectual heritage and wanted to use it as a basis to develop a doctrine to meet the demands of modern times. For this reason, his theory of democracy was heavily influenced by the traditional Chinese political thought. First, Sun justified the necessity of practice of democracy in China not only in terms of the world-wide tendency toward democracy, but also in terms of democratic ideals cherished by the old Chinese saints such as Confucius and Mencius. Second, Sun's idea of inherent inequality of men, which is one of the unique aspects of his theory of democracy, in the main coincident with Confucius teaching.
Chinese tradition was not, however, the only influence which was brought to bear on Sun's thinking. In terms of studies, contacts and foreign experiences it cannot be denied that he was at the same time profoundly affected by the Western political philosophy. Thus, he did not hesitate to say that China's tide of revolutionary ideas came from Europe and America, and suggested that China learn from the experiences of Western democracies, such as the United States and Great Britain. This does not mean, however, that Sun was uncritical of Western democracies. In fact he found fault with the machinery of Western democratic government as well as some of the ideas of Western political thinkers such as Jean Jacques Rousseau. All in all, his intention was to use Western experiences as materials for study, and to work out a program to make “China into a nation under complete pepular rule, ahead of Europe and America.”
(2) The unique aspects of Sun's theory can be treated, roughly speaking, under the headings of individual v. national liberty; inequality of men in ability; Ch an(權) and Neng(能) and political tutelage.
(a) Individual v. National Liberty. Far from advocating democracy as a means of securing greater freedom for the individual, he laid his stress upon China's need to secure a collective freedom for the people. Sun had himself defined liberty as follows: "Liverty, to put it simply, means the freedom to move about as one wishes within an organized group." China, disorganized, had no problem of individual liberty, There was, as a matter of fact, too much liberty. In Sun's view, what the chinese had to do was to sacrifice some of their individual liberty for the sake of the organized nation.
(b) Inequality of Men in Ability. Sun presented two bases for a class of ideologues: one, theoretical, and derived from the Chinese tradition; the other, applied, which is either of his own invention or derived from Western sources. The class of ideological reformers proposed in what may be called the applied aspect of his theory was to be organized by means of the party dictatorship of the Kuomintang(國民黨). His other basis for finding a class of persons whose influence over the ideology was to be paramount was more theoretical, and deserves consideration among the abstract aspects of his doctrine.
He divided men into three classes "the geniuses," "the followers," and "the unthinking" according to their innate ability. The harmony of this conception with the views of Confucius is evident. Sun, although bitterly opposed to the mandarinate, could not rid himself of the ago-old Chinese idea of class organization on a basis of intellect. The aristocracy of intellect is not to be judged, however, by the old criteria. Unlike the serene, conservative scholar-rulers of China in the past, the genius leader in the theory of Sun Yat sen was the discover or social engineer akin to the romantic Western pioneers and inventors.
To those accusomed to the Western concept of democracy, Sun's division of men into three classes would seem to invalidate any future advocacy of democracy. But Sun displayed a sort of creativeness in his effort to reconcile the leadership of the intellectual class with democracy on the basis of his theory of Chu"an(權)and Neng(能).
(c) Chuan(權)and Neng(能). Applied to the individual, contrast between Ch an and Neng is between the ability to have political rights in a democracy and the ability to administer public affairs. Applied to the nation, the contrast is between sovereignty and administration.
According to Sun, Chuan would be given to the people, while Neng should be put entively in the government organs which comprise men of ability. But how should the unthinking, who would possess Chuan, be granted that right without attempting to usurp Neng? This was to be accomplished by two means. First, the Four powers-election, recall, initiative, referendum were to be given to the people, in order to assure their possession of Chuan Second, the Five Rights-legislative, executive, judicial, examining, and controlling are to be given to the government so that the government might be protected in its right to Neng. In Sun's view, such governmental system would make it possible that the people who rule will not necessarily govern, and the benefits of aristocracy will be obtained without its cost.
(d) Political Tutelage. As the means of bringing the Chinese people to the point where they could exercise sovereignty effectively, Sun prescribed a period of political tutelage by the Kuomintang. According to his practical programs of democracy, tutelage was to lead, hsien by hsien into democracy. When more than one half of the provinces in the country reached the stage of local self-government, constituional government was to be inaugurated and the expedient of party dictatorship dispensed with.
In conclusion, the democracy which Sun Yat-sen advocated is, roughly, a modernization of the old Imperial system with the Emperor removed, and the majority placed in his stead. In other words, the rule of the son of Heaven (sofar as it was government at all) was to be replaced by the rule of the whole people. To Sun Yat-sen, therefore, the essential continuity of Chinese civilization was not to be broken; democracy in China had to be not only democracy, but Chinese as well. It is not, therefore, strange to find the ancient institutions of the Empire surviving by the side of the most extreme methods of popular government.
Sun's theory of democracy as such sunk into obscurity without having a chance for a full trial due, among other things, to the power-blind struggle among the warlords from 1916 to 1925 and the lack of democratic zeal on the part of the Chinese leadership in the ensuing period.
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