조선후기 경상도 서원노비 연구 = A Study on Seowon Slaves in Late-Joseon Gyeongsang Province
Slavery was the most fundamental supporting element in the aristocrat (sajok)-dominated system in the Joseon Dynasty, and an indispensable part for the country. Slaves (or nobi in Korean) were classified into public slaves(公奴婢) and private slaves(私奴婢) depending on their owners. Examining the different aspects of slaves is an important part in making sense of Joseon society. However, there have not been sufficient studies about slaves belonging to seowon(書院), or Confucian academies, the main theater of activities for Joseon Dynasty period aristocrats and the center of their public discourse.
By focusing on slaves in Confucian academies, this paper attempts to shed light on the different aspects of the slaves by looking at the number of slaves, the geographical extent and diversity of their living areas, their duties and areas of work they were exempted, spouses, and their children’s status. Slaves under examination in this study are those belonging to Gyeongsang Province’s Dosan Seowon(陶山書院), Oksan Seowon(玉山書院), Byeongsan Seowon(屛山書院), Donam Seowon(道南書院), Sosu Seowon(紹修書院), Dodong Seowon(道東書院), Yeokdong Seowon(易東書院), and slaves of Jeolla Province’s Pilam Seowon(筆巖書院).
From this study on Confucian academy slaves, the following features can be gleaned: First, the number of seowon slaves started to gradually increase from the 17th century onwards, showing the biggest growth in the 18th century, before declining in the 19th century. Bearing a close resemblance to the trend in the private slaves, the number of public slaves had already begun declining by the 18th century. In contrast, there were still over 1,000 slaves in Dosan Seowon even in the 19th century. Though it is impossible to affirm whether these numbers are indeed accurate, there were definitely more slaves in Dosan Seowon than in others.
Second, while slaves had lived in close proximity to the academies at first, they began to spread to other places in the 18th century, converging again around seowon in the 19th century. This trend also mirrors that of private slaves. Public slaves had different living quarters depending on their type. In the mean time, Dosan Seowon, in the 19th century as in the 18th, held many slaves who resided in many regions other than Andong and Yean, while for Donam Seowon, there were times when more slaves lived in Daegu than in Sangju, where the seowon was located.
Third, seowon slaves were usually farmers who paid dues to seowons residing in farming villages. There were also slaves who lived in public places such as government offices, stage stations, hyanggyo(鄕校), others who lived in private places such as aristocrat-owned homes or other places, and villages and temples within seowon. Seowon slaves received pay by performing duties usually done by public or private slaves or slaves from other seowons, thereby offering their dues to seowon. Though seowons would have imposed restrictions on the their slaves had their residence in such places caused any complications, there were no such cases. As long as seowon slaves had no problem offering their dues, it did not matter where they lived.
Fourth, seowon slaves had sufficient economic means to pay for emancipation fees. Although the maximum emancipation fee was 100 nyang (a unit of old Korean coinage), some paid more. Sometimes, a re-emancipation followed initial emancipation. In the mid-18th century Pilam Seowon, slaves were emancipated for reasons such as repairing seowon buildings, repaying debts, and performing expensive ceremonial rituals. Also, in the 19th century Dosan Seowon, many slaves were emancipated. As there were a sizable number of seowon slaves who possessed enough wealth to pay emancipation fees, their actual lives were no different from those of commoners. Slaves were emancipated not so much out of their desire to elevate their social status as required by the economic situations of the seowon.
Fifth, seowon slaves were subject to some restrictions from the seowon regarding their marriage affairs. In Sosu Seowon, marriage between male seowon slaves(院奴) and female private slaves(私婢) were forbidden so as to eliminate the negative effect of losing slaves, Similarly, in Oksan Seowon, there were worries that marriage between male seowon slaves and female private slaves would decrease the number of slaves belonging to Oksan Seowon. Also, marriages between male seowon slaves and female commoners(良女) were often hidden from being publicized. The above facts suggest that the seowon intended to supervise all marriages of its slaves, and that it would stop any marriage of seowon slaves which would incur losses to them.
Thus, marriages between seowon slaves and private slaves were often carried out on the basis of existing ties between the seowon and owners of the said private slaves. Since the passage of the “maternal priority law(從母法),” whereby a child’s social status was determined by his or her maternal social status, marriage between male public slaves(公奴) and female commoners rose significantly. This was part of the Joseon court’s attempt to increase the commoner population, while also serving as a legal means for children of public slaves to elevate their social status. As for private slaves, marriages between male private slaves(私奴) and female commoners declined after the introduction of the maternal priority law. In the case of seowon slaves, offspring of male seowon slaves and female commoners were registered as the property of the seowon until the late 18th century, with the seowon exploiting such marriages so as to increase the number of slaves. However, with the decline of marriages between male slaves and female commoners in the 19th century, their offspring started to disappear from the slave ledgers, because of the gradual influence of the maternal priority law on seowon slaves.
Sixth, slaves of Confucian academies, like public and private slaves, had many second and third generation families. However, in some cases, families extended down to the seventh, eighth, and ninth generations. Since seowon slaves, unlike private slaves, were not entitled to inheritance, there were fewer cases involving changing of owner or separation of families. Thus, continuous family lineages were seen more often than among private slaves, with the descendants of a seowon slave playing the same role for generations. Once they started to settle in a region, they often continued to inhabit the same area over generations.
Thus, while seowon slaves have features of both public and private slaves, their characteristics are different from those of the previous public and private slaves.
This paper has examined the different aspects of Gyeongsang Province’s seowon slaves and their significance. Although it may be difficult to grasp the characteristics of seowon slaves as a whole with the findings of this study only, this paper nevertheless starts this task by examining a small part of Gyeongsang Province. If more follow-up studies on slaves in other seowons in Gyeongsang Province and those in Chungcheong, Jeolla, Gyeonggi and Gangwon provinces are conducted, it would be possible to better establish the characteristics of seowon slaves.
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