産業革命의 原因에 관한 고찰 = A Survey on the Causes of the Industrial Revolution of England
저자
발행기관
학술지명
권호사항
발행연도
1983
작성언어
Korean
KDC
001.3
자료형태
학술저널
수록면
103-118(16쪽)
제공처
Explanations of the industrial revolution have consisted mainly of suggesting a large number of variables, sometimes relationships between variables, and usually of attributing the crucial discontinuity to the aggregate effects of the autonomous variation of one important variable. The historians, in detailed analyses, have suggested many "causal" factors, yet all have sought "a main cause", and have elevated one variable to the role of chief cause. The most popular explanation has taken the form of a simple capital accumulation model. Many historians have given primary importance to capital accumulation and have said something about the importance of market expansion while others stressed technological change and laissez-faire. To some, English leadership was no more than an accident of geography, the combination of a fortunate site for trading and favourable endowments of material necessary for industrialization such as coal, iron core and other minerals. In addition to economic factors, however, the industrial revolution has been attributed to the protestant ethic, to the commercial bias of English science and law and to the flexibility of the English social structure.
Although the importance of capital formation for growth has been largely accepted by all economists and historians, there is scepticism that capital accumulation perse necessarily produce growth. Rather than increased savings and investment causing growth, both are more likely to be the result of growth. In 18th century England a main source of capital for industry was re-invested profit. Thus there seems to be little theoretical or historical justification for assuming that the industrial revolution in England was the result of a notable acceleration in capital accumulation.
It is generally accepted by economists that consumer spending has disect effects on profits and the incentive to invest. Many historeans, recognizing the essential role of market to the organization of large-scale industry, have attributed greater importance to an increase in overreas trade than to one in home-market.
For there was a rapid expansion of exports in the third quater of the 18th century, and the industries mainly dependent on the home economy expanded less rapidly than the major export industries. However, foreign trade could only have accounted for a small, though significant, proportion of total industrial production in the years leading up to the industrial revloution. The steadily expanding level of aggregate domestic demand was more important for growth than the more erratic growth of foreign trade in the years before 1780. The expansion was the result of the greater purchasing power of the English commoners.
Due to the greater equality of wealth, higher wages, and greater abundance, purchasing power per head and standard of living in Eritain were significantly higher than across the Channel. British society was open: income was distributed more evenly than Europe, the barriers to mobility were lower and the definitions of status were looser. Mobility implies emulation, and emulation promotes the diffusion of patterns of expenditure. Thus, the home market for manufactures was growing. This openness of British society was linked to the peculiar position and character of the aristocracy.
In the sense of other European countries, Britain had no nobility. She had a peerage whose essential and unique perquisite was the possibility of sitting in the House of Lords. They did not enjoy fiscal immunities and their children were commoners. Below the nobility stood the gentry or so-called squirearchy without legal definition or status. Some gentry were of noble antecedents; others had made their fortunes in trade or the professions or government service and had purchased estates as much for their social prestige as for their income; still others were farmers or yeoman grown wealthy. Nobility and gentry generally practised primogeniture. The fourth and fifth sons, of gentryand even of noble families, would have to be apprenticed to trade. The sanction that this legitimate participation conferred on trade as a respectable activity and on pecuniary rationality as a way of life was the substantive contribution to enterprise as a symbol.
The head of the family had to build the patrimony and make it work for him and his children. The concern of the British gentleman for the accretion of his fortune made him a participant in society rather than a parasite upon it. Business interests promoted a degree of intercourse between people of different stations and walks of life that had no parallel on the Continent. Below the level of gentry, there was no barrier between land and trade. Nowhere else was the countryside so infused with manufacture: nowhere else, the pressures and incentives to change greater, the force of tradition weaker.
In significant senses England had a freer society and a freer economy in the 18th century than ether European economies: there was greater security for property and enterprise; there was greater social mobility; the prevalent social attitudes (religious, political and social) were relatively more favourable towards change; there was an increasing breakdown of medieval and mercantilist: restrictions on trade and industry; improved communications made transport of men and materials easier. Great britain constituted the largest free trade area in Europe. A freer economy meant the more effective working of the price mechanism. In such circumstances profit became a more certain measure of economic efficiency, and enterprise was rewarded, making relative price changes effective in quickly encouraging or discouraging production.
Many factors and favourable conditions promoted and accelerated the Industrial Revolution but it originated from the changes of English society over centuries.
서지정보 내보내기(Export)
닫기소장기관 정보
닫기권호소장정보
닫기오류접수
닫기오류 접수 확인
닫기음성서비스 신청
닫기음성서비스 신청 확인
닫기이용약관
닫기학술연구정보서비스 이용약관 (2017년 1월 1일 ~ 현재 적용)
학술연구정보서비스(이하 RISS)는 정보주체의 자유와 권리 보호를 위해 「개인정보 보호법」 및 관계 법령이 정한 바를 준수하여, 적법하게 개인정보를 처리하고 안전하게 관리하고 있습니다. 이에 「개인정보 보호법」 제30조에 따라 정보주체에게 개인정보 처리에 관한 절차 및 기준을 안내하고, 이와 관련한 고충을 신속하고 원활하게 처리할 수 있도록 하기 위하여 다음과 같이 개인정보 처리방침을 수립·공개합니다.
주요 개인정보 처리 표시(라벨링)
목 차
3년
또는 회원탈퇴시까지5년
(「전자상거래 등에서의 소비자보호에 관한3년
(「전자상거래 등에서의 소비자보호에 관한2년
이상(개인정보보호위원회 : 개인정보의 안전성 확보조치 기준)개인정보파일의 명칭 | 운영근거 / 처리목적 | 개인정보파일에 기록되는 개인정보의 항목 | 보유기간 | |
---|---|---|---|---|
학술연구정보서비스 이용자 가입정보 파일 | 한국교육학술정보원법 | 필수 | ID, 비밀번호, 성명, 생년월일, 신분(직업구분), 이메일, 소속분야, 웹진메일 수신동의 여부 | 3년 또는 탈퇴시 |
선택 | 소속기관명, 소속도서관명, 학과/부서명, 학번/직원번호, 휴대전화, 주소 |
구분 | 담당자 | 연락처 |
---|---|---|
KERIS 개인정보 보호책임자 | 정보보호본부 김태우 | - 이메일 : lsy@keris.or.kr - 전화번호 : 053-714-0439 - 팩스번호 : 053-714-0195 |
KERIS 개인정보 보호담당자 | 개인정보보호부 이상엽 | |
RISS 개인정보 보호책임자 | 대학학술본부 장금연 | - 이메일 : giltizen@keris.or.kr - 전화번호 : 053-714-0149 - 팩스번호 : 053-714-0194 |
RISS 개인정보 보호담당자 | 학술진흥부 길원진 |
자동로그아웃 안내
닫기인증오류 안내
닫기귀하께서는 휴면계정 전환 후 1년동안 회원정보 수집 및 이용에 대한
재동의를 하지 않으신 관계로 개인정보가 삭제되었습니다.
(참조 : RISS 이용약관 및 개인정보처리방침)
신규회원으로 가입하여 이용 부탁 드리며, 추가 문의는 고객센터로 연락 바랍니다.
- 기존 아이디 재사용 불가
휴면계정 안내
RISS는 [표준개인정보 보호지침]에 따라 2년을 주기로 개인정보 수집·이용에 관하여 (재)동의를 받고 있으며, (재)동의를 하지 않을 경우, 휴면계정으로 전환됩니다.
(※ 휴면계정은 원문이용 및 복사/대출 서비스를 이용할 수 없습니다.)
휴면계정으로 전환된 후 1년간 회원정보 수집·이용에 대한 재동의를 하지 않을 경우, RISS에서 자동탈퇴 및 개인정보가 삭제처리 됩니다.
고객센터 1599-3122
ARS번호+1번(회원가입 및 정보수정)