노동조합과 정당 = Trade union and the party in Korea
저자
발행기관
학술지명
권호사항
발행연도
2011
작성언어
-자료형태
학술저널
수록면
1-117(117쪽)
제공처
Ch 1. Introduction
Based on the theoretical analysis and case reviews in other countries, this study aims to investigate the relationship between union and political parties in Korea. After analyzing the experiences and cases of other countries, this study focuses on the cases of the Korea Confederation of Trade Unions(hereafter the KCTU) and its relationship with political parties. Then, further, the cases of the KCTU will be discussed with the result of the quantitative survey will be presented.
Ch 2. Theory on the Union-party relationship
Ch 3. Examples of the national union-party relationship
Ch 4. union-party relationship in Korea
The KCTU initiated the foundation of the Democratic Labor Party in Korea and decided the exclusive supporting policy toward the Democratic Labor Party. The foundation of the Democratic Labor Party was possible since there was coalition among various ideologically and politically divided factions within the KCTU. Therefore, the Democratic Labor Party was seemed not only as class party but as faction coalition party. The Democratic Labor Party succeeded in winning 10 seats at the National Congress in 2004, however, due to the failure of presidential election, the Democratic Labor Party had to undergo inter-conflicts, which led to the split into the Democratic Labor Party and the New Progressive Party.
Even though it has been known that the surface reason for the split was due to the different views in evaluating the results of the election, in effects, there was the resistance was rising against a faction in power. The split within the Democratic Labor Party brought about controversial issues on the KCTU policy of exclusive supports toward the Democratic Labor Party. Each different faction followed their own political party in line with their political lines. Although the KCTU maintained the exclusive support policy, each different affiliates supported different parties following their own ideology and political lines, which decreased the influential power of the KCTU and resulted in inconsistent political measures by the KCTU.
Ch 5. Survey on the attitude of Rank-and-file to the party
Total respondents are 274 from 5 sectors. The largest portion of respondents is service sector which accounts for 35%. Manufacturing sector accounts for 25.5%. Public sector is 19%. Financial sector is 12.4% and transportation sector is 8%.
Those who have been union member less than three years are 42.7%, less than 10 years are 33.9% and from 4 to 9 years are 23.4%. The largest portion of the respondent has been union member over than 10 years, which account for 33.9%. Majority of gender is male, 55.5% and female is 44.5%.
Age distribution was that those in 40s are 44.5%, which is the largest group. Those in early 30s are 22.6% and in late 30s are 22.3%. Those in 20s are 17.5%. Those holding political party membership are 15%. Those with party identification is 38.3%.
Survey results showed that union members support political parties based on their own interests, but those union officials and activists support political parties according to their ideology.
Regarding the political activities of the KCTU, similar result has been shown between those answering that the KCTU should maintain its position supporting the Democratic Labor Party and that new political measures should be pursued for building relations with pro-labor party. Majority answered to drop exclusive supporting policy, considering the split within the Democratic Labor Party.
24.5% answered that the New Progressive party should make efforts in extending the bases in regions and civil society to win larger number of seats at the National Congress. 21.2% answered that the New Progressive Party should take realistic possible political measures by overcoming the gap between reality and ideals. 12% answered that factionalism within the party should be subleted and democracy should be strengthened. Political activities should not be limited within the KCTU and labor centered political activities should be valued.
Ch 6. Summary and prospect
The theories discussing the relationship between union and political parties are mostly focused on either political exchange or solidarity supports in accordance with ideological similarities.
Utility maximization model and political exchange model explain the maximization of interest relations between union and political party. On the other hand, solidarity and supporting model focused not on the rational exchange but on the shared ideological results leading to the solidarity and supports toward political parties by unions. Different from utility maximization model and political exchange model, solidarity and supporting model effectively explains the sustaining relationships between labor union and political parties even if there are changes in economic circumstances and utility calculation.
Those views that the changes in economic structure and the class formation lead to the relational changes between labor union and political party could be classified in the political exchange model in larger extent. Furthermore, the efforts in divorcing from labor centered political party and transforming to inclusive political parties under the situation of increasing varieties of interest relationship within the party could be viewed as the rational exchange relationship. In this regard, the relationship between labor union, the KCTU and progressive party can be viewed as relationship built based on shared ideologies rather than political exchange relationship. It is due to the fact that there is not enough practical benefits expected from minority parties although maximization of interest relationship in accordance with political exchange based relationship should be reconsidered in the long-term.
Expecially, within the ideological spectrum of progressive policies and union movements the tendency gets stronger for the leftists. After the split within the Democratic Labor Party, New Progressive Party took the same path. Further, the similar tendency was observed among those party defectors from New Progressive Party in the course of the integration between the Democratic Labor Party and the Public Participant Party. At the same time, this tendencies appear among few union officials and activists. However, majority of union members have another different features, which is that they tend to support political parties in accordance with their social interests.
It supports the arguments that political empowerment activities should not be limited among few union activists. It should enlarge the political opportunity for majority of union members who can be subject to stand at the center of political empowerment. The current status of the Democratic Labor Party was mirrored union members opinion of that different from the political empowerment of the labor, the factional activists indifferent in the interests of union members caused political splits.
On 7th Dec. 2010 the representatives from each party gathered together to discuss the building of broad alliance of progressive movements. They finally agreed to establish new progressive party for integrating progressive political forces. Also, they agreed to organize joint convention to attract people who share the common goal to establish new progressive party. On 31st May, the final agreement has been announced at the 6th joint convention to build new progressive party.
On the 19th June, the national congress of the Democratic Labor party approved the building of the new progressive party. However, on the 26th June the national congress of the New Progressive party did not make a decision whether it would join the movements to build new progressive party. Yet, the central committee of the Popular Participation party approved to establish committee to participate in building new progressive party.
While discussing the consolidation between the Democratic Labor Party and the New Progressive Party, the participation by the Popular Participation Party has been the outstanding issue. The Democratic Labor Party has the position to allow the Popular Participation Party to join the process to build new progressive party. On the other hand, the New Progressive party insisted that the establishment of the new progressive party is the priority issue. After then, the Democratic Labor Party and the New Progressive Party further discussed the issues of the participation by the Popular Participation Party. The final agreement has been reached. Tentatively, they agreed to hold a new party's inauguration ceremony on the 25 Sep. with the participation by individuals and group of people who are interested in join the new party.
The national congress of the Democratic Labor Party decided to establish the new progressive party with unanimous approval. However, at the national congress of the New Progressive Party could not adopted the agenda to participate in the building of new progressive party. The quorum was 66.7% but only 54% voted for the agenda.
On the 8th Sep. suggesting consolidation alliance for the building of new progress party, the representatives of the New Progressive Party, Rho Heo Chan, Sim Sang Jung, and Cho Seong Soo, broke away from the party. However, the congress of the Democratic Labor Party did not adopted the agenda to allow the Popular Participation Party to join the movement to build the new progressive party. The quorum was 66.8% but only 510(64.8%) voted for the agenda.
There is an acute conflicts on the issues of allowing the Popular Participation Party to join the movement to build the new progressive party.
Even though it was not an easy decision to make, finally new consolidated progressive party was established with the participation by the Democratic Labor Party, the Popular Participation Party and those breaking away from the New Progressive Party. Further the Korea Confederation of Trade Union started discussing whether they would support the new party. However, the issue is expected to the most contentious issue within the KCTU.
The case in Korea can be observed those experiences and cases in Japan, South Africa, and Canada. The characteristics of Japanese labor unions which weight too much on economic business unionism based on enterprise level union structure with low density and union disunity are entirely reflected in the cases in Korean labor movements. Further, recently, Korean labor union lost its major status as a leading force within social movements due to factional based division and increasing business unionism, which caused the selective supports even though the KCTU has exclusive support policy toward the Democratic Labor Party. Also, regional characteristics such as labor density level and capacity affect the decision of coalition and disunity. In the worst cases, they are considered as non-significant political forces. The general political circumstances around the KCTU and progressive parties are resulted by the low representative power of the KCTU with the low density rate, less than 10%, the increasing disparity between regular and non-regular workers, which brings about skepticism on the labor empowerment led by the KCTU.
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