히타이트 무르살리 2세의 전염병 기도와 구약성서 사무엘하 24장의 전염병 내러티브 = The Plague Prayer of Hittite Mursili II and the Plague Narrative in 2 Samuel 24 of the Old Testament

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

This study aims to compare the five plague prayers composed by Mursili II, king of the ancient Hittite Empire, with the plague narrative in 2 Samuel 24 of the Old Testament, analyzing their similarities and differences.
During Mursili II's reign, a devastating plague ravaged the land of Hatti for nearly twenty years, claiming countless lives without respite. In response, Mursili II sought to identify the cause through divine oracles. His prayers reveal three key reasons for the plague: the unjust bloodshed of Tudhaliya the Younger, murdered by Mursili's father, Suppiluliuma I, the neglect of rituals at the Mala River, the violation of a treaty with Egypt Mursili II appealed to multiple Hittite deities, believing that the plague was a manifestation of divine wrath provoked by royal sin. To appease the gods, he confessed his father's crimes, pledged to restore neglected temples, and promised new constructions.
The plague in 2 Samuel 24 begins with Yahweh's unexplained anger, prompting David to conduct a census of Israel-an act portrayed as divinely incited yet sinful. After Joab completes the census, David repents, and the prophet Gad delivers Yahweh's judgment: a three-day plague that kills 70,000 Israelites. The plague halts when David builds an altar at Araunah's threshing floor, offering sacrifices. This site later becomes the foundation of Solomon's Temple.
The similarities between Mursili II's Plague Prayers and the plague narrative in 2 Samuel 24 are as follows: first, there is a clear connection between divine wrath and plague. In both accounts, the plague is understood as visible divine judgment inflicted by the gods (or God) as an expression of anger. Second, both texts emphasize the relationship between the plague and the king. The plague is portrayed as a calamity brought about by divine wrath, and this wrath is provoked specifically by the king's transgression. Identifying the reason for the king's sin was crucial to performing the appropriate rituals of atonement. Both cultures believed that the sin of a single king could bring disaster upon the entire land. Third, both narratives highlight the connection between the plague and ritual sacrifice. To stop the plague, ritual acts of appeasement had to be performed.
Mursili II promised sacrificial offerings, temple restoration, and temple reconstruction to the Hittite gods. David offered burnt offerings and peace offerings at Araunah's threshing floor, which later became the site of Solomon's Temple. This parallels Mursili II's theme of temple construction as part of atonement.
The differences between Mursili II's Plague Prayers and the plague narrative in 2 Samuel 24 can be summarized in two main aspects. First, it is the nature of the texts. Mursili II's Plague Prayers represent contemporary compositions from his own reign, while the plague narrative in 2 Samuel 24 bears the characteristics of later recording and editorial interpretation. Consequently, the plague account in 2 Samuel 24 serves both as the conclusion to David's story and as a literary bridge connecting to Solomon's temple construction narrative in 1 Kings 6-9. Second, their theological frameworks differ fundamentally. Mursili II's prayers emerge from a polytheistic religious context, whereas 2 Samuel 24's narrative is firmly rooted in henotheistic belief. This distinction manifests most clearly in how each text portrays divine agency - while Mursili addresses multiple deities in his appeals, the biblical account consistently emphasizes Yahweh's singular sovereignty throughout the entire process, from the plague's causation to its ritual resolution.
Despite differing cultural and religious contexts, both texts share a common ancient Near Eastern motif: plague as divine punishment, resolved through royal repentance and ritual. The contrasts highlight unique theological priorities - Hittite inter-god dynamics versus Israel's covenantal henotheism.