The Best of Intentions : Meritocratic Selection to Higher Education and Development of Shadow Education in Korea
저자
발행사항
[Pennsylvania] : Pennsylvania State University, 2003
학위논문사항
Thesis(doctoral)-- Pennsylvania State University: Higher Education 2003
발행연도
2003
작성언어
영어
주제어
KDC
374.7 판사항(4)
발행국(도시)
Pennsylvania
형태사항
xiii, 180p. : Charts ; 26cm.
일반주기명
References: p. 167-180
소장기관
The dissertation examined the development of shadow education in Korea. This development offers a number of ways to test theoretical ideas about the effects of meritocratic selection to higher education, where some places in higher education are tightly connected to the labor market. Shadow education is defined as emerging educational phenomena of large scale, structured, and supervised outside-school learning activities in the form of tutoring, proprietary cram schools, review sessions, correspondence courses, and related practices that are purchased by parents with the express intention of helping their children's formal school achievements. As such, the origins and growth in shadow education have clear theoretical and policy implications. The potential ability of shadow education to reproduce social inequality adds to our understanding of how education overall is socially reproductive. And the degree to which shadow education works against state developed meritocratic systems can present a problem for the development of educational transitions.
The dissertation conducted three related studies of different aspects of shadow education in Korea each employing a different data set. Study I examined the degree to which family background was associated with the prestige rankings of universities, even though the system holds universal opportunities and relatively equal conditions of secondary schooling and vastly expanded opportunities for higher education. The results from Study I showed that high SES of the family is positively related with any measure of college prestige or status hierarchies. More prestigious institutions have higher proportions of higher SES students among their enrolled cohorts of students. Meaning that the higher SES of the family the greater the students' odds of enrollment in prestigious, selective, high ranking universities.
The question of Study II is, then, to what degree is the use of shadow education associated with the SES of the family and related family background characteristics? To examine this question, the study raises six hypotheses related to SES of the family, gender, students' living locations, and the grade, which stem from past research on shadow education use in Korea. Study II found that Korean students' participation in shadow education is widely prevalent and institutionalized. Shadow education is also certainly related with family SES and related family backgrounds and thus, can be considered as a structured, manifested, and well-arranged form of the Korean family's involvement to this highly legitimated meritocratic educational selection process to help their children's academic achievements.
The questions of Study III were: why does shadow education expand, especially under the mass system of higher education and universal secondary schooling? A close examination of the macro origins and causes of shadow education growth in Korea suggests that the conventional functional and competition theorist arguments in configuration of the origins of shadow education did not provide much explanation of which attributes of educational and broader economic and social forces boost shadow education over time. Rather, the macro results of Study III fit a neo-institutionalist perspective about the origins of shadow education. Shadow education expands with a changing system of mass public elementary and secondary education that has gotten more equal in terms of resources over time. It also grows in relationship to an expanded system of higher education-in a relatively short time in Korea, shadow education has become taken for granted to all participants of formal schooling. As such, shadow education grows as an educational preparation within the school system for everyone. Families must use it, as all other families are using it; shadow education becomes part of the expectations of parents to provide as much support for their children's educational success as possible. Teachers know this is happening on the outside so they may assume this and change their lesson pace or teaching methods in knowing that nearly all of their students will receive additional instruction after class. Students come to assume that extensive shadow education is part of their daily routine of going to school.
In conclusion, the development of shadow education is, in one sense, a manifest channel of educational inequality and social reproduction veiled behind the formal meritocratic selection process. In another sense, however, it suggests some institutional theorist perspectives on modem formal schooling. As mass public elementary and secondary education has been fully expanded, accordingly higher education has become increasingly a part of institutionalized schooling-taken for granted by all participants of formal schooling. As such shadow education also becomes part of that normative package and grows as a normal part of educational preparation within the school system for just about everyone who values meritocratic achievements.
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