도스또옙스끼의 세계관 속에 나타난 유토피아의 부정과 긍정
This is a study of Dostoevsky's views and ideas on Russia's historical situation and social thoughts in the implications of these views for his writings during his post-Siberian years.
Not only his fascination with the theme of crime and the problem of conscience (<Crime and Punishment>) arose from impressions during exile life in Siberia, but also his conservative political ideology was imbued from the exile. Dostoevsky's world view(mostly about Russia, Russian people) after returning from his exile in Siberia changed radically to conservative or nationalistic in comparison with his early revolutionary enthusiasms and perceptions brooded over his youth But his preoccupation came into especially sharp focus because of the agitated climate of radical socio-cultural thoughts during the 1860s His views on Russia's historical situation reflected a deep anxiety within the Russian intelligentsia and their thoughts, in which pervasive "utopianism" characters, of so called Westernizers of that day
Central to Dostoevsky's world view are certain oppositions-between Russia and Europe; between the peasantry and the educated class in Russia, between Russia's past and her future-and certain questions; How can Russia avoid repeating the experience of Western Europe with its class struggles and warring nationalisms? How is Russia to overcome her division into two classes and her alienation from herself? What is it that binds a society together and gives people a sense of identity, of a foundation, of a connection with one another? All Dostoevsky's writings are concerned with these and related questions, and his journalism, letters, and fiction can be seen as responses to them in different modes
But the world view also poses problems, contradictions, which Dostoevsky attempted to resolve in his various writings. And, when he had to response to contradictions, Dostoevsky manifests an attempt to overcome a contradiction by means of aggressive self-assertion and denial of the other. It resolves conflicting terms into absolutes("we" versus "they", "Russia" versus "Europe"; present versus future) between which no mediation is possible The only way to overcome a contradiction in this mode is denial, refusal and criticism of one of two terms, and aggrandizement of the other It is most evident in a scheme of contra and pro in Dostoevsky's nationalism and his own populism.
Dostoevsky, as a member of Petrashevsky circle had shared fundamental concerns with particular segments of the intelligentsia, changed his position during the last twenty years of life, and he started to refuse and condemn the Utopian socialists(Fourists) and all the Westernizers under the influence of Western Europe in Russian society. And his ultimate goal seemed to be grown to that of a leader of socio-political thoughts and to creation of his own religious and Messianic utopianism, as main characters derived from Slavophils or Pan-Slavism of that day, imbued by Russian nationalistic character, which was found of Russian common people, like peasantry.
In the <Diary of a Writer> he exalted qualities of the Russian people and their sublime mission in the future regeneration of mankind Printed in the <Diary of a Writer>, his Speech (on June 8, 1880 at the ceremonies for unveiling) of the Pushkin monument in Moscow provides an impassioned summary of all these Dostoevsky's own utopian ideas about the exalted Messianic mission and future role in the destiny of mankind
Dostoevsky's most extreme and farfetched Messianic ideas were thus by no means alien to the main movement of Russian thought and the socio-political reality of his time; nor have they ceased to continue to exert their influence up to the present. But while rejecting the teachings of European Socialism, and negating its propaganda among the people, Dostoevsky at the same time encouraged among the youth the system of ideas and feeling that was the psychological foundation of the revolutionary illusions of Socialists.
In the result, Dostoevsky's discourses contained contradictions and ambivalances in itself. In fact, his strong tone of rather limitless radical voices on the future great Russia often changed to very weak and skeptic mumbles. But like his other contradictory thematics, all his statements on Utopianisms are should be discussed on the bases of writer's unique method and form of creation - 'pro and con' or 'con and pro' with consistently involved skepticism. And also as Bakhtin claimed, it was surely resembled to a kind of the polyphonic novel system ascending back to the Socratic dialogue and Menippean satire.
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