中共의 派閥形成과 權力鬪爭의 性格分析 = An Analysis of Factional Struggles in Mainland China

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

Many studies have explained the political conflicts in China mainly in terms of the chasms caused by different views on high-level policies among political elites or gaps between ideology and realities that the Chinese leaders face to. This kind of explanations certainly have merits, but on the other hand they also have demerits of oversimplifying the scenes since they tend to neglect the factional stuggles behind the policy debate.
The "Peking Incident" which took place less than a month of Mao's death raises the impression that the real natures of political conflicts in China are due to power game among the top leaders rather than the competing different policy lines since Hua Kuo-feng and his comrades did not ever mention about "wrong policies" that the so called "Gang of Four" had previously made for the arrest of them. Instead, Hua severely criticized Chiang Ch'ing and her three collaborators simply on the ground of misdemeanours and immoral behaviours. The most serious charge for the arrest was that they had fabricated Mao's will in order to seize the power. There is no way, at the moment, to prove whether this charge is really true. However, one thing is certain that either way, the charge itself clearly reveals nothing but the strong elements of factional stuggles in Chinese poltics, particularly after the breakout of the GTreat Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
The main purpose of this study is to examine the causes of faction formations, the general features of the factional of the factional struggles, and the consequences of the strifes in China in the hope that this kind of study would be useful for construction of a general theory about power struggles in communist system. Some of the tentative hypotheses that this study has concluded from the Chinese experiences are as follows;
1) Power struggles among top leaders are usually juxtaposed by ideological debates in order to get more supports from the public;
2) The more serious power struggle, the severer sanctions against the enemy and the more alogical direct attacks the contenders mobilize;
3) Factional struggles become more overt and frequent as one-man rule comes to be weak. The most important cause for the weakenization of one -man rule is poor health and old age of the top leader;
4) There is a tendency to believe that the most effective way to prevent factional struggles is to build a strong one-man dictatorship since no effective institutional provision to solve succession problem is available in communist system. Therefore, one -man dictatorship appears frequently as the result of power stuggle;
5) The dilemma of one-man rule lies in the fact that, if top leader does not appoint his successor, it encourages factional struggles and, if he does, it usually undermines his own power;
6) Purges under one-man rule take place frequently in order to demonstrate the top leader's and, therefore, to strengthen the rule itself further;
7) One of the most important causes for factional struggles in communist system is the conflcting elements between Marxism and Leninism:
8) Factional struggles tend to be moderate if a communist regime is founded after a long domestic war and without aid from outside; and
9) Power struggles tend to become severer as the first generation of revolution declines.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 一. 問題의 提起
• 二. 派閥形成에 作用하는 要因
• 1) 血綠
• 2) 地綠
• 3) 共通의 經驗
• 4) 組織體
• 三. 權力鬪爭의 樣相
• A. 權力鬪爭의 時期
• B. 權力鬪爭의 方法과 잇슈
• 1) 正面攻擊
• 2) 迂回的 攻擊
• (가) 自派組織의 擴大
• (나) 宣傳煽動部署의 掌握
• (다) 大衆運動의 組織
• (라) 黨外組織의 利用
• (마) 政策論爭
• (바) 派閥間의 聯合
• (사) 外勢의 利用
• C. 權力鬪爭의 結果
• 四. 權力鬪爭과 一人體制
• 五. 結語 및 暫定的 假說