韓國 政黨政治에 관한 硏究 : 그 史的 展開過程과 沮害要因을 中心으로 = A Study on the Party Government in Korea : Mainly on the Process of its Historical Evolution and the Checking Factors

국문 초록 (Abstract)

以上에서 韓國 政黨政治의 展開過程과 合理的인 政黨政治의 發展을 沮害하는 要因들을 分析하였다. 本稿에서 究明한 바를 要約 記述하고 韓國 政黨政治의 發展을 위한 약간의 問題를 提起코자 한다.
政黨은 明確히 現代國家의 政治 決定者이며 따라서 民主政治는 政黨政治로 歸着되는 것이 必然的인 趨勢로서 韓國도 이에서 例外일 수 없다는 命題下에 이 論文은 發展되고 있다. 비록 20餘年의 年輪이 政黨政治體制의 確立에 充分치느 못하여도 韓國이 政黨政治를 指向하고 있음은 明確하다. 이러한 뜻에서 韓國의 政黨과 民主政治의 所在를 韓國 政治過程속의 것으로 分析하였다.
韓國 政黨의 發生過程은 아직도 많은 論議의 對象이 되고 있으나 이 論文에서는 李氏朝鮮末葉의 事大黨과 開化黨의 움직임으로부터 韓國 政黨의 胎動過程에 대한 起點을 設定하였다. 그 理由는 이 때로부터 韓國人의 價値觀念이 스스로를 歷史의 客體로서가 아닌 自己運命의 主體者로 認識하기 始作함으로써 近代化에로의 國民의 指向性이 싹트기 始作하였기 때문이다.
이러한 理由에서 近代化를 指向한 움직임으로써 (i) 開化黨의 活動과 이에 關聯되는 狀況的 諸特徵, (ii) 甲午東學亂과 甲午更張을 통한 近代化에로의 志向性, (iii) 獨立協會를 中心으로 하는 當時의 政治的 및 社會的 狀況, 등의 諸過程으로 分하고 이러한 過程을 통하여 韓國 政黨의 胎動的 狀況을 指摘하였다.
獨立協會에 의한 自主的인 近代化運動이 反動的인 政府의 彈壓으로 失敗되고 그 후 1905年의 乙巳保護條約과 1910年의 韓·日合倂으로 軍國主義 日本과 西歐諸國의 帝國主義的 均衡方策앞에 韓國의 主權은 完全 喪失 당하였던 것이다.
開化黨의 움직임으로 부터 胎動하기 始作한 韓國人의 近代化에로의 志向性은 國權恢復을 위한 抗日鬪爭으로 그 樣相을 달리 하였으도 本質的인 同質性은 保障되고 있었으며 이 論文에서는 이러한 本質的인 同質性의 保障이라는 前提下에서 國權恢復을 위한 抗日鬪爭의 過程속에서 韓國 政黨의 歷史的 背景을 求하였던 것이다.
그러나 여기서는 몇갖지 難點이 있었다. 즉, 첫째, 그 期間의 長久性과, 둘째, 鬪爭舞臺의 廣範性, 셋째, 資料의 不正確性 등이 그것이다. 이러한 制約性을 考慮하여 (i) 國內에서의 鬪爭過程과, (ii) 國外에서의 鬪爭過程으로 分하고 이를 다시 3.1運動을 基点으로 하여 前期와 後期로 分하여 前·後期를 통한 特徵을 提示하여 이를 檢證하였다. 日帝植民統治下의 鬪爭過程을 要約하면 다음과 같다.
(i) 國內鬪爭過程에 있어서의 前期過程의 特徵은, (ㄱ) 個人的인 殉節, 殉國 등과 같은 極限的인 抗日運動이 展開되었다는 点과, (ㄴ) 基督敎, 天道敎, 佛敎 및 儒敎등의 宗敎團體가 中心體를 이룬 組織的인 抗日運動이 全國的으로 이루어 졌다는 点이다.
國內 鬪爭過程의 後期 特徵은 (ㄱ) 鬪爭의 樣相이 啓蒙, 敎育등을 통한 自體의 實力培養을 위한 文化運動을 展開하였다는 点과, (ㄴ) 自由主義, 民族主義, 社會主義 및 共産主義 등의 이데올로기 的 組織體가 登場하였다는 点이다. (ii) 國外에서의 前期 抗日鬪爭의 特徵은, (ㄱ) 極限的인 鬪爭이 個別的으로 推進되고, (ㄴ) 다른 한편 地緣的 및 血緣的인 紐帶關係에 의한 共同社會的 性格의 推進中心體가 形成되었다는 点이다.
이에 비하여 後期過程은 (ㄱ) 鬪爭活動의 系統化, (ㄴ) 鬪爭組織體의 政治團體性, (ㄷ) 鬪爭團體의 思想的 對立性 등의 特徵을 가지며 이러한 特徵을 가지는 國外 後期過程의 鬪爭은 臨時政府의 活動과 깊이 關聯된 点이 發見되었다.
위에서와 같은 活動은 이미 指摘한 바와 같이 外勢에 의한 强壓的인 國權의 奪取가 없었던들 近代化를 위한 韓國民의 努力은 그대로 成長되었을 것이며 이러한 成長으로부터 民主的인 諸制度의 確立을 期待할 수 있다는 것이 결코 어려운 일이 아님을 立證하고 있다.
政黨이나 政黨政治에 관한 論議는 主權存立의 前提밑에서 만이 論議될 수 있다는 主張이 있을수도 있으나 政黨의 考察은 그 나라의 歷史的 諸事情, 制度的 傳統 및 民族的 特性을 背景으로 考察함으로써만 相異한 여러 政黨의 特殊한 性格, 問題 및 貢獻을 完全히 評價할 수 있다는 立場에서 이 論文은 出發하였다.
韓國 政黨의 發生過程에 대한 考察은 日帝 植民統治의 에서 벗어나 自己運命의 主體者로 登場하기 始作한 1945年의 解放으로부터 비롯하였다.
8.15解放은 韓國 政治의 里程標를 民主主義→民主主義의 政治過程→政治過程으로서의 政黨政治를 形成시켰다. 그러나 여기서는 많은 韓國的 制約性이 內在하고 있었으며 이를 本稿에서는 韓國 政黨의 發生過程의 狀況的 特徵으로 指摘하였다.
즉, (i) 政治的 方向感覺을 喪失한 國民大衆의 政治形態와, (ii) 國家理念의 定立을 위한 組織化된 推進勢力의 缺如, (iii) 國際政治의 兩極化現象에서 緣由된 심한 外的 制約性래 등이 그것이다. 이러한 狀況的 特徵에 의하여 韓國 政黨은 그 發生過程에 있어서 (ㄱ) 一人一黨的인 集團의 噴出(eruption of group)現象과, (ㄴ) 民主主義的 中間勢力의 政黨 發生의 不可能, (ㄷ) 個別的인 人的 紐帶關係에 의한 人物中心의 政黨이라는 特徵을 露呈시켰다.
위에서와 같은 特徵을 가지는 韓國 政黨은 그것이 韓國의 政治過程에 作用한 때에도 역시 韓國的인 諸特徵을 가지는 韓國 政黨은 그것이 韓國의 政治過程에 作用할 때에도 역시 韓國的인 諸特徵을 擡頭시켰음을 看過할 수 없었다. 즉, 韓國의 政黨들은 그 發生過程부터 現實的인 狀況에만 適應하는 단순한 政治的 道具로써 登場한데 不過하였다. 그러나 政黨政治의 論議는 政黨의 存立狀況으로만 成立될 수는 없으며, 더욱이 政治가 固定된 實體槪念으로서가 아니라 社會的 機能槪念으로 認識될 때 政黨政治의 考察은 政黨의 機能面에서 考察되지 않을수 없다. 이러한 뜻에서 第一共和國 12年間을 韓國 政黨政治의 成立過程으로 하여, 다음과 같은 狀況的 特徵을 指摘하였다.
즉, 5.10選擧에 의한 政府樹立으로부터 自由黨의 結成前 까지의 過程에서 (i) 다만 李承晩博士를 中心으로 한 一黨體制의 胎動過程으로서 <競爭的 政黨體制>는 찾아 볼수 없으며, (ii) 카리스마적인 指導權을 形成하기 위한 右翼勢力間의 無秩序한 離合集散이 있었을 뿐이다.
自由黨의 結成으로부터 1954年 <四捨五入>改憲波動에 이르는 期間에서는 (i) 6.25動亂을 비롯한 當時의 時代的 狀況을 背景으로 하여 反共으로 僞裝된 權威主義的 支配體制의 正當性이 旣定事實化되었으며, (ii) 正·副統領直選制에로의 改憲 成功(拔萃改憲 : 1952. 7.4)과 李博士 支持勢力의 葛藤調整을 통한 自由黨의 機構編成이 이룩되고 이로써 3.15選擧에 으르는 過程에서는 (i) 立候補者에 대한 黨公薦制度가 本格化됨으로써 無所屬의 議會進出이 低下되고, (ii) 執權黨은 反共이라는 象徵操作에 의하여 反對黨을 制壓함으로써 一點半 政黨現象이 擡頭되는 동시에 與野間의 極限的 對立相이 나타났다는 点이다.
4.19의 所産으로 規定지을수 있는 第二共和國은 韓國에서 政黨內閣制가 具現된 唯一한 事例이며 동시에 形式的인 것으로 歸着되긴 하였으나 保守·革新의 對立樣相이 나타났다는 뜻에서 韓國 政黨政治의 體制的 成長過程으로 表現하였다. 이 過程에서는 (i) 議員內閣制를 主要骨子로 하는 憲法改正과, (ii) 7.29選擧를 前後한 革新政黨의 簇出現象을 指摘하였다. 특히 7.29 選擧의 結果 民議院의 233議席中 75.1%에 該當하는 175席이 民主黨으로 歸着되었다는 事實은 政局이 安定을 바라는 韓國民의 意思表示이며 이러한 國民與論은 61年 2月 民主黨의 分裂로서 背叛되었다. 그러나 民主黨 執權 9個月間은 적어도 體制的인 面에 있어서는 建國後 가장 뚜렸한 民主主義 制度와 地方分權 및 民權伸張에의 裝置를 마련함으로써 政黨政治의 成長을 圖謀하였던 過程으로 特徵 지울수 있었다.
그후 5.16軍事革命으로 憲政의 一時的 中斷을 經驗하였으며 1963年 1月 붙터 政治活動이 再開됨으로써 韓國 政黨政治의 發展的 移行過程이 始作되었다.
오늘에 이르는 이 過程의 特徵은 第三共和國 樹立을 分岐點으로 하여 前잠·後期로 分하고 이러한 時系列的 區分에 의하여 다음과 같은 特徵이 指摘되었다. (i) 諸政黨들이 그 組織面에 있어서 多少間 本質改善의 樣相을 띠우기 始作했다는 点과, (ii) 거의 모든 政黨活動이 5.16의 正當性問題와의 關聯下에 始發되었다는 点, (iii) 第三共和國 樹立 以後의 大統領選擧 및 國會議員 選擧 등을 통하여 國民의 兩黨制에로의 志向性이 뚜렷해 졌음과 동시에 野黨들의 統合狀況이 나타났다는 点으로 集約시킬수 있었다. 이 過程의 表題를 發展的 移行過程으로 한 理由도 여기에 存在한다.
以上과 같은 韓國 政黨政治의 發展過程에 대한 分析을 基点으로하여 韓國 政黨政治의 發展을 沮害하고 있는 要因을 (i) 政黨의 組織面, (ii) 政黨의 綱領·政策面, (iii) 政黨의 機能面, (iv) 政黨의 資金面 등의 政黨內的 側面에서 이를 分析하고 마지막으로 韓國人의 意識構造에다 焦點을 둔 (v) 政黨外的面의 分析을 圖謀하였다. 政黨政治의 沮害要因에 관한 分析을 要約하면 다음과 같다.
(i) 政黨 組織面에 나타난 政黨政治의 沮害要因으로서 (ㄱ) 個別主義的인 人的 紐帶關係에 의한 組織이라는 点과, (ㄴ) 高度의 議員中心的 組織이라는 点을 指摘하였다. 個別主義的인 人的 紐帶關係에 의한 組織을 갖춤으로써 (a) 政黨의 派閥化現象과, (b) 新人의 政治參與을 制限하는 權威主義的 閉鎖性이 提示되었다.
高度의 議員中心的 政黨組織을 통하여 (a) 政黨의 黨內統制權의 弱化와, (b) 地方黨部의 弱體化 傾向이 招來됨으로써 健全한 政黨政治의 具現을 沮喪시키고 있음을 提示하였다.
(ii) 政黨의 綱領·政策面에 나타난 沮害要因으로 (ㄱ) 綱領·政策面의 심한 類似性과, (ㄴ) 實現의 稀薄性과 模糊性, (ㄷ) 綱領·政策面의 無責任性 등의 三大特性을 提示하고 이를 證明하였다.
(iii) 韓國 政黨의 機能面에 나타난 沮害要因은 (ㄱ) 對國民機能의 面에서, (a) 國民에 대한 持續的인 啓蒙이 이루어지지 않으며 동시에 國民與論의 組織化도 充分치 못하고, (b) 政治指導者의 選擇이라는 技能發揮도 現役 優先主義라는 名目下에서 地區黨의 意思는 다만 諮問 및 參酌에 그치고 있음을 指摘하였다. (ㄴ) 議會를 中心으로 하는 政黨의 機能으로서, (a) 自黨所屬議員의 行動統一이 黨內派閥化 現象등으로 充分한 結束이 이루어지지 못하고 있으며, (b) 議會를 中心으로 하는 政黨의 相互關係에서 與黨에 의한 極端的인 野黨 敵對現象과 野黨에 대한 否定一貫의 極限鬪爭을 指摘하였다.
(iv) 政黨의 資金面에 나타나는 非合理性을 (ㄱ) 政黨自體에 의한 收入源의 稀少性과, (ㄴ) 資金 授受過程의 非公開性, (ㄷ) 資金 授受過程 및 支出過程의 非公式性, (ㄹ) 政治權力과의 野合을 통한 資金取得, (ㅁ) 財閥의 現實的 反對給付 要求現象, (ㅂ) 壓力團體의 對政黨 資金要求의 逆現象, (ㅅ) 國民의 政黨資金에 대한 前近代的 價値觀 등을 提示하였다.
끝으로 모든 政治現象이 人間的 行爲로 還元되고 나아가서 政黨政治도 결국 國民 個個人으로부터의 投入機能과 政黨을 통한 排出機能과의 相互作用으로 規定할 수 있다. 이러한 뜻에서 韓國 政黨政治의 沮害要因을 韓國人의 意識構造와 行動樣式의 面에서 指摘하였다. 즉, (i) 政治에 대한 無關心과, (ii) 非合理的인 性向이 政黨政治의 根本的인 沮害要因임을 看過할 수 없었다.

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

More than twenty years have passed since Korea got free from Japanese imperialistic fettters. The while the Koreans have suffered a great deal from the division of the country into the two, ideological conflicts, economic instabilities, and political disorders. Yet under the conditions has been our people anxious of a true democratic system and its more efficient employment. Despite our constant entreaty, why don't the political disorders yet come to stop- aside from the others which may primarily be attributed to the operations of the heteronomous forces? To find an answer of this question, the discussion would necessarily arrive at an analysis of the party government.
When the realities of Korean parties and the party government which relatively has general characteristics of the developing countries are analyzed in the process of political development, the following problems may be brought on:
(I) It has been asserted that 'political party' is a fundamental element in modern democratic government and therefore representative democracy resolves itself into party government. Recognizing it is true, we shall face a problem how political parties can reflect various national interests upon the contemporary complicated political process. Properly this issue has reference to the nature of party.
(II) Party is a politicall group organized for rule. Then, what is the extent to which every party in Korea has played their own roles? Has any system of party government been established in its true sense ? These questions would be answered when we inquire into the political situations for the emergence of parties and the alterative processes of their organizations and functions. This is, after all, the research into the processes of their historical evolution from the quickening up to the present.
(III) It is often argued that the party government in Korea still falls into a number of trials and errors. Though its history is comparatively short, we have somehow gained more than twenty years' experience in its employment. Why, then, are the same trials and errors repeated? This is one of the problems deserving attention. With reference to this problem, the following questions may be put:
(1) Are the political parties organized on the basis of the public? And how is the ballance in power distribution kept between the central parties and the local chapters?
(2) Can the party programs and policies reflect, and positively guide, the public opinion? Furthermore, are the parties competing with eacli other for their policies?
(3) Any modernized party awakens the masses to their political responsibilities. organizes them, and makes through discussion and compromise its own policies, promised to the people, into laws.
It also accelerates or checks activities of the execitive branch. Really have been the political parties in Korea exerting themselves to play smoothly these roles required of a modern party?
(4) Whenever politics is liable to expose the irrationality of 'plutocratic oligarchy', as it were, to be controlled by a specific money clique, the proper management of political funds is urgently called for. To what extent have the Korean parties responded to this requisition?
(5) Lastly, as a basis of party government, how are the political consciousness and behaviors of the Koreans configurated? Are they rational or irrational? This may be the more fundamental problem never to be disregarded.
To answer all above questions has reference to an analysis of the checking factors against the party government in Korea. The aim of this dissertation is primarily to bring a light on the questions by such an analysis. Of course, for the best, it goes without saying that it should be shown how to correct the checking factors. But this thesis was obliged to offer at the part of conclusion nothing but a tentative proposal for correction, because the writer consider the corrective measures proper to the checking factors to be presented only after searching out these factors thoroughly and scientifically, considering it as an important, different task to be treated in separate.
(1) Bifurcate Views on the Nature of Party:-
It has been pointed out there are bifurcate views on the nature of party: one is the Burkan notion tliat party is a political organization for the purpose of promoting the national interests; the other an interest group pursuing its own intersts preferentially. Anti-Burkan notion as some of us have, it may be sublimated by the political process in the fundamental system of modern democracy, that is, the representative system. In short, it is surely the problem what relation a group interest has with a national interest, i. e., whether the latter is sacrificed dy the former.
(II) The Process of the Historical Evolution of the Party Government in Korea:-
The origin of the party in Korea is still subject to many controversies. But this thesis set up the starting point of its quickening at (he movements of Kae-hwa-tang (the Enlightenment Party) and Sa-dae-tang (the Conservative Party) toward the end of the Yi Dynasty. For, taking advantage of these movements, the Koreans began to become in a sense of value aware of their positions as subjects of their own fates, not as objects of history, and conscquenty the national orientation toward modernization dawned. On the ground of this assumption, the processes of such movements aimed at modernization could be divided into the three: (i) the activities of Kae-hwa-tang and the attendant situations, (ii) the national will toward modernization through the Dong-hak Rebellion and the Kap-O Reformation, (iii) the social and political situations of that time centering around the activities of Tong-lip-hyop-hwe (the Independence Association). Then this thesis has traced the quickenings of the political party by each of these processes. All the movements toward modernization, even the final efforts of Tong-lip-hyop-hwe, had failed because of oppressions of the reactionary Government. Later, falling a sacrifice to the aggressive rapacity of militaristic Japan and the ballance-of-power policy of the imperialistic European powers, finally Korea was completely deprived of sovereignty by Japan through the Protection Treaty of 1905 and the Annexation Treaty of 1910.
Though the orientation of the Koreans toward the modernization, which had been initiated by Kae-wha-tang, turned its phase into tlie anti-Japanese struggle, its homogeneity was kept in essence. On this premise this dissertation would seek for a historical background for emergence of the parties in Korea with reference to the process of the anti-Japanese fights for restoration of sovereignty. There are, however, some difficulties of doing this. First, the long duration of the struggle; second, the vast range of the places where it took place; third, the difficulty of obtaining correct data, etc. Taking these conditions into account, for the sake of convenience, the struggle process was in its geographical range broken into the domestic and abroad, and again each of the two, chronologically, into the March Independent Movement before and later. To summarize it characteristically and demonstratively: (i) The characteristics of the domestic struggle in the former period are that (A) ths extreme, individual struggles by patriots who sacrificed their lives for the loyalty or the country were prevailing and that,(B) the organized fights by such religious groups as the Christian, the Chon-do-kyo, the Buddhist, the Confucian, and others came about on a national scale.
On the other hand. the characteristics in the latter period are that (A) the struggles were carried out with emphasis upon cultural activities such as awakening the national consciousness and fostering the real ability of nation through instruction or eJucation and that (B) a number of ideological organizations emerged under the banner of liberalism, nationalism, socialism, or communism.
(ii) The characteristics of the struggles abroad in the former period are that (A) the extreme, armed struggles were driven separately and (B) the communal bands organized on the basis of geographical and personal connections were being formed.
Compared with this process, the characteristics in the latter period are (A) the systemized fight, (B) the political figure of fighting bodies, and (C) the ideological rivalry among thsm. And we could find out cativities of most of these organizations were closely related with the Korean Provisional Government.
Judging from what mentioned before, it may be safely said that, had the national sovereignty not been fallen a victim to the foreign power, the Korean people's efforts for modernization would have grown up as it was and at last a true democratic system would have been easily established.
Some may argue that the party and party government can be reasonably discussed only when the country is a sovereign state. However, for this thesis, the specific nature, issues, and contributions of the differencially various parties can be fully evaluated when they are seen within the background of historical circumstances, institutional characteristics.
Naturally on the birth of a party have the consideration to start from the Liberation of 1943 when the Korean people got free from the colonial fetters of imperialistic Japan and came to be subjects of their own fates. The Liberation mida the party government in Korea formed through the following channel : demoracy-democratic political process�the party government as governmental process. But these processes accompanied a number of restrictions peculiar to Korea. This dissertation saw them as circumstantial features in the course of party-birth. They may be characterized by (i) the political behavior of the public who was drifting without a sense of direction, (ii) the lack of an organized driving force for establishment of a national ideology, (iii) the severe external restrictions imposed by the bipolarization in the international relations, etc. Under the conditions the parties in Korea revealed the following characteristics in the course of birth: (A) the phenomenon of one-party-by-one man, that is, the so-called eruption of groups, (B) the impossibility for appearance of a nationalistic neutral party, and (C) the personalism centered around "big figures", relying upon the particular, personal relationships.
It should not be overlooked that these characteristics in the process of birth continued to infuence the political process; later. Let's put it; in another way. From the outset, the parties in ; Korea were nothing but simply political instruments fitting themselves to the practical situation. But however may a political party appear, never can any party government be discussed, only with its existence. Moreover, in so far as politics is conceived as a social, function rather than in a fixed entity, a party government should also be understood in terms of party function. In this view-point, this dissertation saw the 12 years round of the First Republic as the forming process of the party government in Korea, pointing out the following situational features.
The: period from the foundation of the Government, by the First; General Election (on May 10, 1948) to the formation of Cha-yu-tang (the Liberal Party) : (i) It assumed the featur that the one-party system of Cha-yu-tang led by Dr.Syngman Rhee come out and there was no "competitive party system." (ii) There were disorderly meetings and partings, gatherings and scatterings among the right wings only for building a charismatic leadership.
The period from the formation of Cha-yu-tang till the disturbance over the second amendment to the Constitution in 1954 (The disturbance burst out when the party passed irrationally, by applying the mathematic, principle of counting fractions of 0.5 and over as a; whole number, the amendment bill which was designed to enable President Rhee then to serve: the third term.): (i) The authoritarian ruling system, under the pretext of anti-communism, capitalizing on tensions and confusions of the Korean war, had become firmy established. (ii) By the success of amending the Constitution to allow the direct election system for the Presidency and vice-Presidency (the first amendment often called "Excerpting Amendment", passed on July 4, 1952) and of adjusting the conflicts among his supporting factions by Dr. Rhee, the remodelling of Cha-yu-tang was accomplished. With this the two-party system by Cha-yu-tang and Min-ju-tang (The Democratic Party)-this party was formed by combination of some of the opposition forces right after the second amendment to the Constitution began to show a sign.
The process till the unlawful election on March 15, 1960: (i) By realization of the nomination system of candidates by both of the parties on a full scale, the entrance of; non-affiliated candidates into the Parliament dropped down markedly. (ii) Oppression of the party in power to the opposition parties, the, so-called 'ond-and-a-half party system' came to the front. Such, oppressions had been committed; through such symbol, manuplation that only its decisions and acts would haye represented 'anti-communism', that the objections to them would have led to the profitable acts for the communist. And subsequently it is natural that such aspects should have accompanied the extreme rivalry between the party in power and the opposition party.
The Second Republic, which may be said to be the product of the April Revolution, was the only example in which the party cabinet system was realized in Korea. And, at thesame time, within the system, the competition between the conservative and the progressive could be shown although it ended in mere formality. And so this dissertation expressed it in terms of the institutionally growing process of the party government in Korea. In regard to this, the phenomena worth mentioning are (i) the Constitution Amendment with chief emphasis on the parliamentary cabinet system and (ii) the boom of progressive parties that mushroomed before and after the Fifth General Election held on July 29, 1960. In particular the election resulted in Min-ju-tang's winning 175 seats or 75.1 percent of the total seats of 233. This may be looked upon as the expression of the will of the Korean people longing for political stability. Such a public opinion was betrayed by disruption of Min-ju-tang in February, 1961. However, the nine month period, during which Min-ju-tang was in power, short as it was, may be marked as a process in which the growth of the party government was seriously aimed at. For, in the period, it paved the way for the most remarkable democratic system, at least, in institutional aspects since nation-building, and provided the apparatus of decentralization and expansion of civil rights.
Later on, the constitutional government was temporarily interrupted by the Military Re/olution that took place on May 16, 1961, but as the political activities stopped for a time resumed, the evolutional transition of the Korean party government have started. This process that covers the period from the resumption of political activities up to the present may be dealt with into the two durations, that is to say, before and after the foundation of the Third Republic. As the characteristics in both of the durations it was pointed out that (i) the political parties began to show somewhat the alterativeness of organization, (ii) almost all the political activities began with relation to the question of admitting the legitimacy of the Military Revolution, and (iii) the orientation of the people toward the two-party system has become definite through the Presidential Elections and the General Elections during the Third Republic, which occasioned the unity of the opposition parties. That is why the process is entitled to an evolutional transition.
(III) The Checking Factors of the Party Government in Korea:-
On the basis of consideration on the evolutional process of the Korean party government as above, this dissertation attempted to analyze the factors checking against its development. For the analysis, at first the intra-party factors may be considered in terms of (i) the organization, (ii) the programs and policies, (iii) the functions, and (iv) the party funds; and then (v)the extra-party conditions with emphasis on the structure of consciousness of the Korean people. To specify them a little more:
(i) The checking factors in party organization lie in what (A) the organizations are based on the particularistic, personal connections and (B) centered around the congressmen. It could be seen that the former would bring about (a) the phenomenon of non-policy sectionalism and (b) the authoritarian blockage limiting the participation of new figures. The latter would result in the weakening (a) of the the internal control of the party over the congressmen, and (b) of the local chapters, so that the sound realization of the party government would be deterred.
(ii) It is shown and demonstrated that the checking factors in programs and policies are the big three: (A) the extreme similarity found in the programs and policies of various parties, (B) the impracticability and vagueness of them, and (C) the irresponsibility for them.
(iii) In the party-functional side the following factors may be pointed out: (A) On the part of the function toward the public, (a) constant enlighenment of the people has not been operated and the formation of the public opinion has not been sufficient, either; (b) on selection of the political leaders the opinions of the lower parties has been not well reflected but referred or considered because of the active-service preferentialism. (B) On the side of the parliament-centered function, (a) the unified action among the party members has not been properly securred because of factionalism; (b) in the interrelations between the parties tlie hostilities of the party in power to the opposition parties have got excessive and vice versa. The latter factor has usually accompanied thoroughly negative, extreme measures taken by the opposition parties in political struggle.
(iv) The irratonial factors on the side of party funds could be shown as follows: (A) little source of income of its own, (B) unpublicity of money-raising process, (C) the nonoffical raises and expenses of money, (D) money-taking by an illicit trade with the political power, (E) phenomenon for financial clique to require of the parties a practical counter-presentation to their giving money, (F) counteroperation for pressure groups to ask the parties for grants-in-aid. (G) the public's premodern appreciation of political funds, etc.
(v) Lastly, it deserves to be observed that ths final analysis of all the political phenomena is reduced to the human behavior. The party government may be said to be a political process for the inputs function from the individuals and the outputs function throuth the party. If so, the checking factors against the development of the party government in Korea must be considered on the part of the strctures of consciousness of the Koreans and their behaviors. This disssertation could find out these factors as follows: (A) their political apathy, (B) their irrational inclination. It should be noted that these factors are the more fundamental elements which hold back the sound party government in Korea.
(IV) The Prospect of the Party Government in Korea:-
Hitherto it has been observed by way of evolving the historical process of the Korean party government and analyzing its cheking factors that the practices of party government are remote far from its theories and ideals. History is, however, advancing, and such advance is made by purification and sublimation of the week element by the strong, in the course of struggle between the new element and the old. Therefore, the party government in Korea cannot help but be dealt with as a means for an actual end as well as a real value. For this task the
ways to get rid of its deficiencies should be found out.
As for a rational operation, of the Korean party government, various arguments may be made, in conformity with the continuously curved situation in political process. For the curveline in political process is not so scientifically provable as in economic fluctuation. So, on the base of the checking factors which have already been analyzed, this dissertation is going to suggest some remedies for them, for the prospect of the evolutional transition into the sound party government. They are as follows:
(i) In the interrelation between the parties in Korea, it can be pointed out that the extreme rivalry comes from their defect of the foundation, or the indispensible conditions, of the principle of decision by majority. Consequently, the rational working of the party government in Korea requires to solve the existing inveterate practices and to refine party-politicians' value senses into compromising inclination. The rational employment of the party government in Korea is not expected, till every party-politician removes his premodern thingking by which he insists on the absoluteness of his own value, and till he can make his judgement objectively, in the belief that any atomical opinion of individual is equally valuable by all means and that the majority opinion, which is spontaneously harmonized through free competition and compromising of opinions, is always rational.
(ii) Another problem has reference to the alterativeness of parties. So far as the party organization is not based on agreement in ideology and policy but on factional genealogy, being mad after individual familiarity or charismatic authority of a party leader, the rational working as a modern political party is hardly expected. Party is a group for formation of the public opinion. Therefore, in principle, its structure must rely upon a upward process in which members of the party decide the program and policy and select their political leader.
The prospect of the party government in Korea will not be able to be bright till the party organization is saved from the factional structure and make advance into a mass-organization by a upward process in which the more rational advices of its freely-members come into effect.
(iii) Last one is outside party. The problem is about mitigating the restrictions on the participation in political party by the positive laws. Now, added to the authoritarian blockage of the party itself, even the laws concerning the party the aim of which is to grow it up are barring a number of new figures from participation. Under these existing conditions, it must be impossible just like fishing in the woods to improve the inveterate disease of party into the dynamic.
The Law Concerning Political Party (R.O.K. Law #1246), promulgated on
December 31, 1962, prescribes that a great number of the Government officials, the positional members of state-run enterprices and of corporations a half of whose stocks is occupied by the Government should not join the party. The Constitution guarantees the organizations and activities of the party as the main body of national decision-making. And it, furthemore, accelerates for party to make funds public by law. But whatever the fundamental law may say, it is thought that the heavy limitation of participation in a political party by the positive laws as above runs against development of the party government in Korea.
If this condition goes on as it is, the Korean parties will not be able to cast off their present poses to keep on acquiescing in the old practices. Of course, some may object to mitigating the banning of participation in political party by the positive laws. One of the grounds of this objection is that, if the Government officials, the members of state-run enterprices, and others are permitted to join a party, their official discipline will come to be deranged, favoritism and party plots to prevaile in public administration, and finally social order to be disturbed. Another is that students' over-participation in society often do more harm than good, creating considerable socio-political problems.
Such objections, however, erroneously neglect or sidestep the essence of the problem, in fear of the undesirable effects that the alleviation of legal prescrptions might bring. Purposely not to mention the examples of the Western countries, the problem of the open door for the officials and students to take part in a political party and that of preventing them from dommitting irregularities must be considered separately. For example, the corrupt practices of 'spoils system which have often been made by the ruling party can be corrected by enforcing 'merit system' strictly, never simply by restricting the paricipation in party. Moreover, too, it must be considered that even students' over=participation in the actualities is the result of a conflict coming from a crisis of participation. It is generally seen that a basic treaty of political party is to adjust conflicts, that is, to adjust demands of the people to the government. Assenting to this, it is proper that party should have charge of regulating such troubles of students. On the contrary, failure of doing it is naturally accompanied with a political instability. In the light of these points, the restrictions on participation in political party by the positive laws do not contribute so much to rational operation of the party government as acceleration of degradation of the party.
On the other part, it is also necessary for the sake of sound operation of the party funds to lessen the restrictions on participation in party. The British Labor Party depends primarily for the secure of the party funds on the fee or donation of its members. Leaving further more examples about it aside, parties in Korea also require to do the same thing, But this cannot be possible till the broader masses join the party. The degree to which the limitation by the positive laws Is mitigated is likely to be discussed, whether be for it or against it, in many other ways, and thus a multilateral analysis is required. But inevitably this dissertation did not go beyond pointing out its necessity.
The points presented above for the rational operation of the party government in Korea may be reduced to party-politicians' own valuesenses as well as rulers' structur of political consciousness. Consequently it could plainly come to the conclusion that, indispensable as human participation is in advancing of history, its advance can naturally be accomplished only when the human beings and the institutions complies with the earnest requests of the time. Lastly, any free government cannot satisfy all the desires of the people, giving support to the government, to the fullest measure; nor can it be successful only resorting to justification, compulsion, and righteousness in an effort to realize its objectives. Therefore, the politics is and will be nothing but a powerful force for Korea's building, so that it can be affirmed that politics is 'a technique for possibility'. As long as this definition is preserved, the party government in Korea will be operated well for the sake of the Korean penple.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• Ⅰ. 序論
• 1. 問題의 提起
• 2. 硏究方法 및 範圍
• 3. 政黨本質에 관한 二視角
• Ⅱ. 韓國政黨政治의 史的 展開過程
• 1. 韓國 政黨의 胎動過程
• 2. 韓國 政黨의 發生過程
• 3. 韓國 政黨政治의 成立過程
• 4. 韓國 政黨政治의 體制的 成長過程
• 5. 韓國 政黨政治의 發展的 移行過程
• Ⅲ. 韓國 政黨政治의 沮害要因
• 1. 組織面의 沮害要因
• 2. 政策面의 沮害要因
• 3. 機能面의 沮害要因
• 4. 資金面의 沮害要因
• 5. 政黨外的 沮害要因
• Ⅳ. 結論
• 1. 論旨要約
• 2. 韓國 政黨政治의 展望
• 參考文獻
• 論旨要約(英文)