KCI등재
남북한 통일방안의 수렴 추이 : 단일정치권력으로의 통합에서 평화공존으로 From Unitary Political Entity to Peaceful Coexistence = Convergence of Unification Policies of the Two Koreas
저자
박선원 (연세대학교 통일연구원)
발행기관
학술지명
권호사항
발행연도
2002
작성언어
Korean
KDC
340.911
등재정보
KCI등재
자료형태
학술저널
수록면
125-169(45쪽)
제공처
This paper aims at explaining how the two Koreas have been gradually inclined to shape peaceful coexistence formula, which would set aside for a while (at least for one generation period arguably) complete political unification in which the entire territory of the Korean peninsula and people would be unified as one state, operated as one system, ruled by one central government, while no local government would have autonomous authority in the areas of diplomacy and national defense. Chronological comparison of the unification policies of the two Koreas will prove that the ultimate goal of unification intended to build one political entity based upon 1 nation-1 state-1 system-1 government formula has been weakened. While formulae suggesting interim states or middle steps such as 1 nation 1 state-2 systems-2 governments formula, in which priority remains peaceful coexistence and the authority of central government is symbolic have become stronger.
The Korean peninsula was legally divided when the United Nations held elections in South Korea and a capitalist state led by Syngman Rhee was born in August 1948, and a communist government led by Kim Il-sung was formed one month later in the north. At the nascent stage of division in late 1940s, South Korean leader Syngman Rhee and North Koreas Kim Il-sung did not want to remain behind the demarcation line, but rather vigorously grope for opportunities to scoop the other side of the peninsula by force. Consequently the Korean War broke out on 25 June 1950, the war which the Kim regime elected as a means to unification of the country. Before the South Korean student revolution toppled Rhee from the power in 1960, the Rhee regime insisted on its northward marching policy of unification(Pukchin Tongil), and the Kim Il-sung regime, too, did not abandon its banner to communize the peninsula by force. One year later General Park Chung-hee launched a coup and civilian discourses on unification were strictly prohibited during his ruling period, the sixties and seventies, Park did not raise a banner of northward marching policy to unification. Rather he emphasized peaceful unification in 1961 and proposed to the north in 1970 that Pyongyang must renounce its communist unification policy by military means or violent revolution. He also proposed both Koreas compete constructively to demonstrate which system and society had better conditions for the Korean people. Even if he did not scrape the idea of complete unification to build a single political entity, it is remarkable that Park replaced his predecessors northward marching policy to peaceful course of unification.
A significant change was also discovered in the northern part. Although the idea did not abandon completely to form a single political entity, Pyongyang proposed an idea of the Koryo Federation System as an interim stage before reaching the perfect unification in 1960. On 23 June 1973 the Kim Il-sung regime once again offered the Koryo Federation System advocating that the existing institutions of the two sides remained intact. It should be noted though, that at the time being Kims real purpose was not to herald new unification policy, but to avoid the South Korean proposal to join the United Nation separately. To sum up, in spite of disputes, this period saw active exchanges of unification policies and political contests that intended to show the superiority of the its own proposals compared to the other. Regardless of real intentions, the July 4th Joint Statement, issued simultaneously in Seoul and Pyongyang in 1972, for the first time agreed to the three principles of unification: (1) unification should be achieved independently, without reliance upon outside force or its interference; (2) reunification should be achieved by peaceful means, without recourse to the use of arms against the other side; (3) great national unity should be promoted first of all as one nation, transcending the differences of ideology and system. In 1980s the Chun Doo-hwan regime did not move forward. It emphasized peaceful unification formula, not peaceful coexistence itself, but made a little but significant change when it attempted to view unification as process and procedure: basically, though, no clear cut was found from his predecessors unification policy. 1 nation-1 state-1 system-1 government formula had been unaltered. Kim Il-sung slightly moved further from his initial idea of the Koryo Federation system in 1980 by suggesting 1 state-2 systems-1 federal government, where a single central government would be built, but 2 different systems would be allowed to coexist.
The Roh Tae-woo government advocated the Korean Common Wealth as an interim unification system, which is in reality 1 symbolic state-1 de facto system-2 interim governments formula. It of great significance the fact that in this idea unification could be defined from confederation level. The Kim Young-sam government developed the Korean Common Wealth to a little more explicit formula of 1 nation-1 state-2 systems-2 governments. After coming to office President Kim Dae-jung has not set forth his own unification policy. The reconciliation and cooperation policy towards the Norththe Sunshine policies not the unification policy per se, but it is close to a peace management policy by engaging a staggering northern neighbor. Peaceful coexistence is the first priority in his mind, since it is his belief that only co-existence would allow the unification of the peninsula someday in the future. Responding to Rohs proposal, Kim Il-sung also took tactical change in 1991. His federation was to be based upon 1 nation-1 state-2 systems(or institutions) -2 governments. Most importantly he suggested setting aside the institutional unification theory, in the belief that 1 state-1 institution idea would encourage nothing but continual division and confrontation for the future generation of Koreans. This suggestion signified disadvantage to the position of the North in world politics vis-à-vis with the South. Since then the North Korean unification policy downgraded the status of the federal government, so it would not retain authority over foreign affairs.
To conclude, the unification Policies of the two Koreas have been converging on the notion that each system should be maintained rather than choosing one system. Peaceful coexistence has become the single most supreme and common concern for the leadership of the two Koreas in the Post-Cold War period.
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