유라시아 경제연합 구축과 러시아 에너지전략

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

On October 2011, in an article in Izvestia, Russia’s then prime minister Vladimir Putin laid out what is likely to be a founding stone of Russia’s policies for his possible next two terms in office, that is, until 2024. The article, as the heading states, outlines a ‘new integration project for Eurasia’ and envisages the creation of a ‘Eurasian Union’ by 2015.1.
As with almost any major initiative in international politics and economics, Putin’s proposal evidently is to serve several distinct but mutually reinforcing purposes. The first pertains to domestic politics. A second major purpose is connected with Russia’s competitive relationship with the EU on post-Soviet space. A third purpose can be considered to be the counterpart to the European dimension of the project, that is, an attempt to secure a Russian sphere of influence in Central Asia and to counteract and limit the economic dominance that is slipping away from Moscow as the Chinese presence in the countries of this region is growing and the Central Asian countries increase their trade with China, especially in the energy sphere.
Putin’s ‘new integration project for Eurasia’ marks yet another stage in the configurations and reconfiguration of integration and cooperation on post-Soviet space. And Russia has been forced to acknowledge the Chinese influence in the region for several reasons. Russia and China share many interests on the global scene. China is likely to view Russia as a useful, albeit less powerful, regional player. Thud, together they are able to contain any other external power intending to establish itself in eurasian area, thus reducing the harm to Chinese and Russian interests.
Despite some competition, Russia and China are creating a regional order in which their interests are aligned. Their common goals include, the maintenance of the regional status quo, as well as preventing the interference of any third parties and co-operation in development of eurasian area problems. They have little interest in directly impeding each other’s progress in most sectors. Thus, Russia and China have so far proven able to find co-operational, rather than confrontational, approaches to the control of eurasian economic union.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• I. 서론
• II. 유라시아 통합 추진
• III. 러시아 에너지 전략
• IV. 러시아의 유라시아 전략과 중국
• V. 결론
• 《참고문헌》
• Abstract

참고문헌 (Reference)

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