國民學校兒童의 政治社會化에 관한 調査硏究 : 政置的 權威에 대한 認識 및 態度를 中心으로 = A Research on the Political Socialization of Elementary School Children with Emphasis on the Cognitions and Attitudes toward the Political Authorities in Korea

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

Ⅰ. Introduction
1. The Need for this Study
The study of political socialization seems to be one of the most promising approaches to understanding political stability and development. Herbert Hyman views political socialization as a continuous learning process involing both emotional learning and manifest political indoctrination, and as being mediated by all of the participations and experiences of the individual and not simply by early family experiences.
As the orientation of a person toward political matters is formed through political socialization, the maintenance and the change of political culture are also carried out through politcal socialization. The socialization process goes on continuously throughout the life of the individual. Attitudes are not established during infancy and untouched after the age of ten. They are always being adapted or reinforced as the individual ages through his social experiences.
The family unit is the first socialization structure and the school structure is a second powerful influence in political socialization encountered by the individual. Since the schools are the socialization agency most easily controlled by the political system, many nations have attempted to use the public schools to bridge the geap betwen subcultures and the national political culture. Especially, the elementary schools can reinforce affection for the political system and can provide common symbols for the expressive response to the sytem.
In view of our urgent need to form a developed stable society, this study attempts to seeif political attitudes and values of elementary school children in Korea are desirable for the national consensus and development.
2. Purpose of the Study
Our purposes are 1) to ascertain their current political cognitions and attitudes and to find the best way to bring up the children by looking into the real situation, 2) to examine the developmental process through which children acquire political orientation and pattern behavior throughout the grades with emphasis on the age-related congnitive and attitudinal change toward the political authorities, 3) to observe the differences of political cognitions and attitudes according to their sex, residential area and socioeconomic status.
3. Sampling and Survey Method
In order to look into the actual situation of the children's political socialization through grade levels, we made up a questionnaire of 44 items, selected from items which had been used in most of political socialization researches in the United States.
The survey was conducted from July 1 to October 31 in 1975. There were 1,103 subjects drawn from 2nd, 3nd, 4th, 5th, 6th grade elementary school boys and girls at three purposefully selected schools, i.e., two elementary schoos in Kunsan City and one in a rural area, in consideration of their sex distinction, district distribution and socioeconomic status. The questionnaire sheets were handed to some teachers, who in turn distributed one to each student and retrieved them in an hour.
The collected data were analyzed by using percentage tabulations, ranking tabulations, or chi-square method, based on the theoretical foundations obtained from researches of western scholars.
Ⅱ. Findings and Analysis
1. Elementary school children in Korea have a far higher level of national attachment toward their fatherland, in comparison with the children's in the late 1960s. Their enth usiastic senses of attachment toward fatherland are desirable for the national consensus and development.
2. The findings which grow out of this analysis surprise us who are accustomed to think of children as innocent of political thought. For not only does the child quite early begin to orient himself to the rather remote and mystical world of politics, but even forms notions about its most abstract parts-such as government in general. Their orientations as they grow older shift from personal, personal, to institutional, political object of authority.
The early dominance of personalization in the cognitive image of government is gradually superseded by an institutional emphasis.
The above findings have many points of similarity to those of American children.
3. The child's affective response to government is affirmative. The benevolent, protective, helpful, and otherwise positive qualities of government constitute the first and continuing overall context of evaluation.
He begin to see that government is not always at the beck and call of the member of society. But at the same time as the child depersonalize his image of government, he comes to believe that government has more and more of the culturally approved capacities to do its job, such as leadership and knowledge.
These ratings, however, are in themselves less positive expressions of affective response for trust and power in government, compared with those American children.
4. The findings say that President as a focal point of political socialization is protective, helpful, trustworthy, and so forth, and this is therefore what he is idealized for the children.
Certainly these perceptions are encouraged to some extent by adult judgements.
The child may learn directly form adults in his environment to feel this way about the President. If President is indeed the living symbol of the political system, we may suspect that support for the regime arises easily and naturally.
5. The childen's image of statemen is very affirmative in terms of honesty and reputation. The findings say that most elementary school children in Korea recognize the legitimacy of political authorities which is one of the most important bases of political power.
6. Basic attitudes and values of children toward government and citizenship are democratic, and the attitudes for demonstration against their governement is negative. These are desirable for the national security and the support for the political system in a sense.
7. Concerning the cognition of basic governmental functions, the sex differences we find are small and suggest a slightly faster rate of political socialization for boys. As to the political trust toward President, a slightly small difference appears with girls generally more positive, compared with the aggregate development. But the proportion between two groups shows nonsignificant difference at .05 level.
8. Concerning the district differences of development in an cognition of the chief lawmakig funcion of government, the proportion of urban children is a little higher in comparison with that of rural children(p〈.05).
As to the political attitude toward members of National Assembly, the proportion of rural children show a more rising trust in comparison with a declining trust of urban children(p〉.05).
9. Concerning the socioeconomic status differences, the finding show a marked lead-lag effect for the cognition of chief lawmaking function of government. In this movement, the upper-status children tend to lead and the lower-status children tend to lag(p〈.01).
In Table 53, the upper-status children show a higher political trust toward President, compared with that of lower-status children, even though the differences are minimal(p〉.05).
Ⅲ. Proposal
In view of the above findings, we can make three points of proposal in the context of the existing program of political education in the school.
1. The instable attitudes and values of elementary school children should be transformed by the objective-oriented ones with stability.
2. The present emphasis on a lot of political attitudes and values as instructional objectives should be replaced by teaching reliable knowledge and inquiry skill to the children. At the same time, through practical learning about the basic functions of government to the fullest extent, students should get real understanding of them in given community.
3. Considerable interests should be to the classroom climate and teaches behavior to achieve political consciousness formation and and attitudinal change of children for the effective input of support for the political system.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• Ⅰ. 序論
• 1. 硏究의 必要性
• 2. 內外硏究動向 및 硏究의 目的
• 3. 硏究方法
• Ⅱ. 調査結果 및 解釋
• 1. 國家意識
• 2. 政府意味의 確信度
• 3. 政治槪念의 象徵的 聯想
• 4. 公私部門의 分別
• 5. 政府의 立法機能과 執行機能
• 6. 非公式的 政治構造의 認識
• 7. 政府에 대한 情意的 反應
• 8. 權威의 可視性
• 9. 大統領의 權威像
• 10. 政治家像
• 11. 政治態度의 構造
• 12. 男女差·地域差·社會階層差
• Ⅲ. 要約 및 提言
• 1. 要約
• 2. 提言