金正日體制管理經綸과 그 延命術 : North Korean Power Politics since 1974- An Analysis Kim, Jong Il's Statecraft on System Management and his Tactics of Survival 1974년이래의 북한판 "勢道政治" = Prospects of Kim Jong Il's Government Management
저자
신일철 (고려대학교 )
발행기관
고려대학교 북한학연구소(Institute of North Koreanology Korea University)
학술지명
권호사항
발행연도
2000
작성언어
Korean
KDC
911.000
자료형태
학술저널
수록면
17-42(26쪽)
제공처
When the lord reigned but did not rule, we called the period as being under the power politics. The lord was simply a figure-head of the feudal dynasty without any power at all. Since 1974, a similar power politics has been in existence in North Korea; Kim Il Sung was raised as the founder of the pseudo-religious sect, while his son, Jong Il, governed in the name or his father's charisma. It is this type of modem power politics that Kim Jong Il managed in the apex of the power structure, where his power and authority was supported and maintained by the personality worship towards his father by his people.
Kim Jong Il's ruling tactics has mainly consisted of the cult of personality, and the mobilization structure led by the monolithic and dogmatic doctrine of the Suryong (the leader). This cult of personality also managed to take the heart and soul fo the people into a dictatorial system through the routine process of instigating propaganda and ideological lessons. Kim Jong Il's management tactics in the 1970s were mostly devoted to mobilizing or exploiting human labor forces via political and ideological means such as Speed Battle (Campaign). Directed by his The Great Three Revolution Tennis (Samdae Hyongmyong), it blocked the road towards medium-ranged development. Therefore, it was natural that the inter-Korea economic contest turned out up side down between Seoul and Pyongyang, and the economic capability of the North dropped to just one twenty-fifth of the South's.
Kim Jong Il's political ideology is the Suryong doctrine. The Suryong is not only a respectful title of a supreme leader; rather, he is very much like an absolute, despotic monarch over the constitution, or a founder of a pseudo-religious sect putting a great emphasis on the deity of the leader Ever since the purge of the Kapsan faction, Kim Jong Il took on the interpretation of the Marxism-Leninism and the rights of initiating and developing the dogmatic Juche ideology, the DPRK's ruling ideology.
In the early 1990s, Kim Jong Il's leadership faced a serious challenge due to the sudden collapse of socialistm in Eastern Europe and the USSR along with the reform and opening in China and Vietnam. However, Kim Jong Il reacted firmly against such reform and opening movements under tile slogan of "Our Way of Socialism." In addition, Kim Jong Il developed the concept of the Immortal Socio-Political Organic Body, which means that the masses are to be integrated into the socio-political body politic that is destined to live forever, While physical life, which is mortal, is given by the parents, political life, which is immortal, is given by this socio-political body. Therefore, the masses are required to unconditionally obey the brain of the organic body, which is the Suryong. Furthermore, Kim Jong Il demanded the people not just to obey, but to be determined to flight until death. This is all in attempt to protect the Suryong. This kind of deplorable death or glory spirit is one of the basic elements of the DPRK policies of survival, and the brinkmanship reflected in the DPRK-US direct talks.
Regardless, Kim Jong Il has four major shortcomings in his management tactics; Firstly, the overemphasis on the charisma of Kim Il sung has become dysfunctional, and thus, it is very difficult to justify the doctrine of personality worship towards Kim Jlong Il. Secondly, from the viewpoint of the dual social structure based on Marxism and Leninism, the lower structure in the DPRK has collapsed, and the upper structure, including the Party, the Government, and even the administrative organs, has been collapsing step by step except the Military. Thirdly, the adoption of the People's Economic Planning Law signifies that Pyongyang has chosen a central planning and ordering instead of market and civil society, and thus, made it difficult to predict which way the North Korean regime would follow. Fourthly and lastly, Kim Jong Il's system is now facing a deadlock by sticking to such an isolated and closed garrison state, which is totally outdated in the era of postcold war and information revolution.
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