미군정기 후반전, 현지조사와 지방여론 = The "Field Operations" of the Office of Civil Information and the public opinions of local residents in late 1947
저자
발행기관
학술지명
권호사항
발행연도
2016
작성언어
Korean
주제어
자료형태
학술저널
수록면
353-393(41쪽)
제공처
소장기관
This thesis focuses on the series of ‘Field Operations’ in the late 1947, conducted by the Office of Civil Information(OCI) which did the central role in public information of US Armed Forces In Korea(USAFIK) during the latter-half of the occupation. From July to December in 1947, the OCI dispatched its survey teams 7 times to each local province of South Korea, using ‘Mobile Educational Train’ which had used for public relations in local area. During the survey team entered each village(Ri) for public information activities, they collected field intelligence including the opinions of residents as well. These were subsequent public opinion polls conducted on a nationwide scale after a series of surveys by Department of Public Information(DPI) in 1946. In the ‘Field Operations’, level of analysis of USAFIK enhanced enough to cover each village for the first time throughout whole occupation. In late 1947, it became more important for USAFIK that the people of South Korea approve the American course of action since the prospect of 2nd US-USSR commission was getting dim. As the alternative course of action that US had intended, implement of general vote took an essential part to justify the ‘Separate Government’ so that the countrywide supports were required. However, the atmosphere in local region of South Korea remained deteriorated since so-called ‘October Resistances’ in 1946, which resulted from hitherto Seoul-centric policies. USAFIK regarded the leftist’s propaganda mainly responsible for agitating local opinions to stimulate regional riots, therefore they planned the reinforcement of the information activities in rural areas. As one of the course of actions under these tendencies, the Office of Civil Information conducted a series of the ‘Field Operations’ to examine current atmosphere in local regions, especially around the selected areas to be built the potential Information Center of OCI. The ‘Field Operations`` were conducted in rural areas collecting the opinions of local residents, whereas most of the past surveys of DPI were merely concentrated on those of Seoul citizens. The result from each survey indicates that the public opinions of local residents were fundamentally affected on various issues pertaining to different local interests. Nevertheless, the most influential factor for arousing the public opinions significantly in every region was the food issue. Furthermore, in case of rural villages, the key factor dominating degree of food shortage was the rice collection program of USAFIK applied in their region. The effect of rice collection program was so enormous that it did not related merely the approval rate for USAFIK, but even impacted on the attitudes of local residents toward personal Americans, or their opinions relating to the regime of North Korea. This seems similar to the effects of ration policies or rice price in urban areas. Even though some of existing studies have excessively concentrated on clarifying the political orientations of residents, political issues might have not been existed separately from local interests in their lives whether they inclined left or right. At least after the ‘October Resistances’, USAFIK had already recognized these possible influences of food issue affecting on public opinions in rural areas. However, they had decided to intensify technical skills for playing it by ear rather than try to deal with the practical problems fundamentally. For this reason, they sought for the most efficient way to promote the American line of policies in each village. As a result of these attempts, some information concluded from the ‘Field Operations’ pertaining to the characteristics of local villages in South Korea were applied to the following information activities of OCI. The conclusion emphasized the decentralization and isolation of each village, hereby urgent necessity of US information activities was justified for providing local residents who were easily taken into the control of extremists with proper information without any bias. Moreover, it could strength the argument that building the local information centers of OCI would serve as permanent basis for finding the most suitable way to implement information activities in each area. The conclusion of ‘Field Operations’ was not entirely different from the usual position that USAFIK had taken throughout the whole occupation. Before the operations, USAFIK had already emphasized the passive characteristics of public opinions to blame leftist’s propaganda for arousing local resistances. Accordingly, the headquarters in Seoul, local military governments, and the troops stationed in regional areas closely cooperated to implement combined operations which tried to control public opinions for the right-way reorganization of local society. In addition, the local polices and rightist groups actively collaborated with these combined operations as well. Even if the conclusion of ‘Field Operations’ mentioned that the efficiency of the public information was the most decisive factor for repressing local resistances, in many areas the potential resistances had been already suppressed physically before the information activities were actually launched. Any political activity in local areas could be valid only in the fixed frame given by USAFIK. However, when the public opinions of local residents were expressed directly in several significant circumstances, it might have been unwarranted that the effect of propaganda or public relations was clearly unilateral as the USAFIK’s expectation. The numerous historical experiences that the local residents were sharing had decided which political group would take the initiative in such village. The common historical experiences of such communities often combined different factors depending on the certain situations, which could trigger serious resistances off in rural areas. Although propaganda might have its own role in these courses of actions, it was not a sole factor to making local opinions. Admittedly, temporary superiority of rightist in rural areas seemed to be successful for transplanting a few of rightist slogan such as pro-American or Anti-trusteeship. Nevertheless, those achievements could not cover the substantial problems involved the survival of people. Consequently, the conditions of each region which had worked as fertile backgrounds for leftist propaganda could not be improved through the following information activities after the ‘Field Operations’.
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